Summary: President Obama recently declared the Organs Mountain-Desert Peaks as a national monument only months after the House of Representatives passed a bill that would curtail his authority to do so under the Antiquities Act. In order to appease critics of broad executive authority, President Obama must use the Antiquities Act in a manner that does more for local communities than simply place nearby public lands under increased federal regulation.

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By  Andrew W. Minikowski

On May 21, President Barack Obama designated the Organs Mountain-Desert Peaks region of New Mexico as the United States’ latest national monument. The Organs Mountain region is home to a robust diversity o f wildlife, numerous distinct plant species, and countless archaeological sites, ranging from the early indigenous period to the Twentieth Century. By declaring Organs Mountain as a national monument, President Obama has ensured that its lands will be federally protected and preserved for the benefit of wildlife, ecosystems, and the American public. Despite being met with resounding praise from conservationists and outdoor recreationists, President Obama’s declaration was also attacked by critics of overbroad Executive authority and the means by which the President made his declaration: the Antiquities Act of 1906.

The Antiquities Act allows the President to withdraw federal public lands from general use and set them aside as national monuments if doing so protects “objects of historic and scientific interest.” President Theodore Roosevelt almost immediately implemented his authority under the Act to preserve two of the United States’ most iconic national monuments: Devil’s Tower and the Grand Canyon. The Executive withdrawal power under the Antiquities Act initially attracted little criticism, especially after the Supreme Court’s 1915 decision in United States v. Midwest Oil Co. in which the President’s broad power to withdraw public lands from use was affirmed. However, with the passage of the Federal Land Policy and Management Act (FLPMA) in 1976, Congress revoked all executive withdrawal authority except that granted under the Antiquities Act. Thus, the Antiquities Act remains as the last vestige of Presidential withdrawal power over the public lands, a power that was upheld by the Supreme Court’s 1976 decision in Cappaert v. United States . Because the Antiquities Act essentially allows the President to bypass the lengthy Congressional process of creating a new national park, the Act has been a prime target for critics of broad executive authority.

This March members of the House of Representatives rallied behind Utah Congressman Rob Bishop (R) in an attempt to defang the President’s broad discretion under the Antiquities Act. The aptly named Ensuring Public Involvement in the Creation of National Monuments Act (H.R. 1459) would limit the President to designating only one national monument per state per term without the authorization of Congress. The declaration of national monuments beyond that would require the President to submit the proposed monument to Congress for approval. Furthermore, the proposed bill would reclassify withdrawals under the Antiquities Act as “major federal actions” and thereby trigger exhaustive review under the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). After passing the House, the Senate referred the bill to the Committee on Energy and Natural Resources where it remains pending further action.

The motivations of Representative Bishop and the other House members supporting H.R. 1459 were likely inspired by the contentious relationship between the states and the federal government regarding activity on the public lands. Because large swathes of the Western states are owned by the federal government, much Western economic activity takes place on the public lands. By declaring portions of the public lands as national monuments, the President effectively removes such lands from the multiple-use mandate of FLPMA and deprives the states of any economic benefit that was being garnered from activity—be it mining, logging, or ranching—that was occurring on those lands.

Therefore, President Obama’s decision to declare Organs Mountain and ten other sites as national monuments seems almost a retort to Congressional clamoring against the Antiquities Act. However, it would appear that in doing so President Obama is not deaf to the economic concerns of Westerners. The economic impact of national parks and monuments was a central theme in the President’s statement accompanying his declaration. The President noted that “continuing to set aside federal land for outdoor recreation will drive critical revenue for […] local communities.” President Obama’s words are not mere empty rhetoric either. The White House was quick to provide a deluge of statistics demonstrating the economic benefit of recreation on the public lands, noting that 6.1 million American jobs are in the outdoor recreation industry and that visits to the public lands were responsible for adding $50 billion to the national economy in the last fiscal year. In regard to Organs Mountain specifically, the President observed that the national monument designation could swell the local economy by as much as 70% and that public land recreation in New Mexico already contributes $170 million to the state economy annually. Thus, the President’s designation of Organs Mountain attempts to use the Antiquities Act in a way that reconciles the agendas of conservation advocates and Westerners concerned with their local economies.

Ultimately, it is unlikely that H.R. 1459 will pass the Senate or that even if it did, President Obama would sign it into law. However, the rhetoric employed by President Obama when designating Organs Mountain shows that his administration is willing to wield the Antiquities Act in a manner that attempts to do more for communities than just set aside natural wonders for future generations. By construing the withdrawal power of the Antiquities Act in a fashion that addresses the economic concerns of Americans, it is possible that President Obama can prevent Presidential authority under the Act from becoming an antiquity itself.

Andrew W. Minikowski is a third year Juris Doctor and Master of Environmental Law and Policy student at Vermont Law School. Prior to law school, he studied English and Economics at Eastern Connecticut State University. Andrew is the current Editor-in-Chief of the Vermont Journal of Environmental Law and a member of Vermont Law’s National Environmental Law Moot Court team. He hopes to enter the field of natural resource law and enjoys spending his spare moments birdwatching, botanizing, backpacking, and reading.

The post Of National Monuments and Men: Organs Mountain-Desert Peaks and President Obama’s Use of the Antiquities Act appeared first on Vermont Journal of Environmental Law.

 Summary: In 2010, Congress passed the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act.  Deep in this bulwark of financial regulatory overhaul, Congress passed a provision aimed to achieve a purely social good by requiring manufacturers to disclose their supply chains for minerals believed to fund the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo.  This piece is the follow-up to Back on the (Supply) Chain Gang that the Vermont Journal of Environmental Law published this year.

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By  Christopher  M. F.  Smith, J.D.

On April 14, 2014, the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit (D.C. Circuit) handed down an opinion that may give social and environmental activists a way to affect corporate change through the Securities and Exchange Commission’s (SEC) disclosure regime.  In National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) v. SEC , the D.C. Circuit ruled on a challenge to the SEC’s Final Rule for conflict-mineral supply-chain disclosure.  The National Association of Manufacturers, Business Round Table, and U.S. Chamber of Commerce (Industry Group) raised claims under the Administrative Procedure Act (APA), the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 (34 Act), the and First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.  The D.C. Circuit held in favor of the SEC on all but the First Amendment Claim.

In 2010, Congress responded to the 2008 financial crisis that caused the Great Recession with the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (Dodd-Frank).  An often overlooked provision of Dodd-Frank is section 1502.  Section 1502 mandates the SEC promulgate a rule for companies to disclose conflict-minerals their supply-chain.  The purpose of section 1502 is to squeeze off funding to militant oppressors of the Congolese people through the forces of U.S. capital markets.  Congress directed the SEC to enhance disclosure requirements to include supply-chain analysis for manufacturing minerals that are germane to the Democratic Republic of Congo.  These minerals serve as the revenue stream for militant guerilla oppressors   Dodd-Frank created a humanitarian based disclosure requirement to influence market demand through disclosure and transparency.

Very simply, the SEC promulgated a three-part rule.  First, the issuer must complete an inquiry in to the country of origin for the minerals Dodd-Frank enumerates. If the company has reason to believe that minerals may have originated in DRC, the issuer must complete a due diligence process to scrutinize and alter their supply-chain.  Last, the rule requires issuers to report their findings and describe the conflict disposition of their products, such as “DRC conflict free” or “not DRC conflict free” to the SEC in Form SD.  Issuers must also publish in that disposition on the   company website.  The Industry Group brought four APA claims, a 34 Act claim, and a First Amendment claim.  The D.C. Circuit District Court held for the SEC in all claims.  The D.C. Circuit heard argument on January 7, 2014.

 

NAM v. SEC : A (Very) Brief Synopsis

The first APA challenge claimed that the SEC’s decision not to exempt de minimis (minimal) users of conflict-minerals was arbitrary and capricious.  The D.C. Circuit deferred to the SEC’s reasoning that Congress did not write in a de minimis exemption, and the SEC interpreted that statutory omission as deliberate, based on the surrounding language.  Furthermore, such an exemption might diminish the impact of the rule because manufacturers often use conflict-minerals in very limited quantities.  Second, the Industry Group claimed that the threshold for completing the due diligence requirement contravened the statutory language and was arbitrary and capricious. The D.C. Circuit held that the requirement did not contravene the statute nor was it arbitrary and capricious because the statute was silent on the threshold and obligation of uncertain issuers. The SEC properly used its delegated authority to resolve ambiguities by ensuring issuers do not ignore red flags.

Third, th e Industry Group argued that the SEC went beyond the scope of its statutory authority by requiring issuers who contract to manufacture products that contain conflict-minerals comply with the rule rather than just manufactures themselves.  The D.C. Circuit held that the SEC reconciled a variation in two provisions of section 1502 by applying the rule to both.  The final APA claim concerned the phase-in period during which issuers may describe their products as “DRC conflict undeterminable” and avoid an independent, third-party audit.  The Industry Group claimed that distinguishing between large issuers and smaller reporting companies with two- and four-year phase-in periods was arbitrary and capricious because smaller reporting companies are in supply-chains of large issuers.  The D.C. Circuit adopted the SEC’s reasoning that large issuers can exert more leverage than smaller reporting companies to gather supply-chain information, thus the disparity in phase-in.

Next, the Industry group argued that the SEC did not follow the proper cost/benefit analysis, as required by the 34 Act.  The Industry Group only challenged the benefit side, rather than cost, stating that the SEC did not quantitatively determine whether the rule would fulfill Congress’s intent.  The D.C. Circuit held that Congress intended to achieve a “compelling social benefit” and  SEC could not possibly measure the positive effects of the rule, as it was a complex issue beyond the SEC’s expertise. The Court went on, bluntly stating “[e]ven if one could estimate how many lives are saved or rapes prevented as a direct result of the [] rule, doing so would be pointless because the cost of the rule – measured in dollars – would create an apples-to-bricks comparison.”  Finally, the Court stated that the SEC properly relied on Congress’s belief that transparency and closure were the means to their intended ends.

Last, the Industry Group challenged the requirement that issuers describe their products as “DRC conflict free” or not.  The D.C. Circuit held for the Industry Group, reasoning that describing products as “not DRC conflict free” indicates a moral viewpoint, essentially compelling issuers to declare blood on their hands.  The D.C. Circuit struck down the description requirement because it unconstitutionally compelled ideological commercial speech.

 

Implications for Social and Environmental Activists

Capital market activism is not new.  Most know it in the context of shareholder activists seeking social and environmental change through shareholder proposals to prescribe corporate behavior.  Section 1502 of Dodd-Frank and the SEC final rule create a purely humanitarian disclosure requirement to make social change by informing investors of issuer supply-chains for minerals financing conflict in the DRC countries.

It may be working.  Intel and HP, both issuers affected by the rule, began the Conflict-Free Smelter Program.  The program seeks transparency by smelters and refiners in their sources for conflict-minerals.  The limited number of smelting facilities makes it a key point in the supply-chain to deter conflict-mineral use.  The Intel-HP initiative may be proof that the rule will fulfill Congress’ intent.

The D.C. Circuit decision may be a foot in the door for social and environmental activists to make change through capital market disclosure.  The drafters of section 1502 sought to change corporate behavior through supply-chain transparency.  The five SEC victories in NAM v. SEC may be an encouraging sign for others who may want to use market forces to influence investor and issuer behavior.

In the comment period for the conflict-mineral rule, one letter suggested expanding supply-chain disclosure to include environmental considerations.  At the 2013 annual meeting of the ABA, former ABA President Laurel Bellows discussed addressing human trafficking through supply-chain disclosure and transparency.  After the NAM v. SEC decision, these ideas seem possible.

NAM v. SEC may be telling for social and environmental activists in several ways.  The APA rulings may inform those who seek other supply-chain disclosure rules, social or environmental.   The First Amendment ruling may be telling for food and agricultural activists who seek disclosure through labeling, such as the GMO law the Vermont State Legislature passed this year. If food producers challenge Vermont’s GMO Labeling law on First Amendment grounds, it will be interesting to see if NAM v. SEC serves as persuasive precedent.

The 34 Act claim is the most compelling part of the decision for capital market activists.  It appears that Congress’ belief that a particular addition to the SEC disclosure regime will fulfill its intent to achieve a compelling social good is benefit analysis enough to satisfy 34 Act’s analytical rulemaking requirements.  A supply-chain disclosure requirement for human trafficking seems analogous to conflict-mineral supply-chain disclosure, and may not require the SEC to quantify the benefit.  If Congress intended to achieve a compelling environmental good, perhaps such an intent combined with a belief that disclosure would achieve environmental good will satisfy the 34 Act benefit analysis.

Some foreign jurisdictions require disclosure of particular environmental metrics, such as emissions, chemicals/substances used, and waste produced.  NAM v. SEC could be an opening for this type of disclosure in the U.S.  The environment is beyond the SEC’s expertise, as were conflict-minerals.  It would be similarly difficult for the SEC to quantify the environmental impacts of environmental disclosure, as it is difficult for the SEC to determine the humanitarian impact of conflict-mineral supply-chain disclosure.  Therefore, in drafting environmental disclosure rules, the SEC may be able to rely on Congress’ intent and belief that disclosing such information would benefit the environment, rather than grasping at straws to quantify an environmental benefit.

 

Conclusion

Economist Adam Smith mused that an invisible hand of the market metaphorically promoted self-regulation by market participants.  In response to the stock market crash of 1929, Congress created an opaque hand of the market by establishing the SEC in the 34 Act.  Through regulatory requirements and anti-fraud enforcement provisions, informed investors influence corporate behavior.  It appears that Congress and the D.C. Circuit extended the power of that opaque hand to influence the market in order to achieve social, humanitarian good.

Before issuers began filing Form SD this week, supply-chain disclosure influenced corporate behavior. Two large issuers are working to divest manufacturing from the DRC conflict, as Congress intended.  Time will tell whether Congress’s political will could make further social change through the opaque hand of the SEC regulatory regime.  Perhaps achieving environmental change will be next.

 

Christopher graduated cum Laude from Vermont Law School in 2014.  Christopher is originally from Boston and graduated Magna cum Laude from Suffolk University with a Bachelor of Science in Politics, Law & the Courts and the History of Women & Gender.  Christopher focuses primarily in corporate finance law, in particular, capital formation and regulatory compliance for securities issuers.  While at Vermont Law Christopher completed the Business Law certificate, engendering a unique interest in the intersection of business and environmental issues.

The post The Opaque Hand: Making Social (and perhaps Environmental) Change through Capital Markets appeared first on Vermont Journal of Environmental Law.

Summary: This EcoPerspective discusses the EPA’s and Army Corps of Engineers’ attempt at redefining the meaning of  “waters of the United States.” Since the Supreme Court decision in Rapanos v. United States , the jurisdictional reach of those agencies over waters with a significant nexus to navigable waters has been somewhat unclear. However, the agencies’ new definition may make farmers and other interest groups unhappy, even with proposed exemptions for some agricultural practices.

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By Emily Lyons

The Clean Water Act’s (CWA) jurisdictional reach has been unclear ever since the Supreme Court’s convoluted decision in Rapanos v. United States . On April 21, 2014, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) published a rule in the Federal Register that redefines “waters of the United States” and gives much needed clarity to the CWA’s jurisdiction. The proposed definition attempts to clarify EPA’s jurisdiction over navigable waters, their tributaries, and other waters—including wetlands and streams—with a significant nexus to a navigable water or tributary.

Politicians, construction and agricultural industry representatives, and other critics of the rule argue that the agencies have gone too far and the rule, if finalized, would be unduly  burdensome to developers and especially to farm and ranch operations. EPA says the program will not protect any new types of waters that the CWA did not historically cover. However, the agency’s own economic analysis estimates that approximately 3% more of U.S. waters would fall under the CWA’s jurisdiction as a result of the proposed rule. The same analysis claims that the proposed definition will impact an additional 1,332 acres nationwide under CWA’s section 404.

 

Muddied Waters Following Rapanos

The CWA prohibits the discharge of pollutants or fill material into “waters of the United States” without a permit. EPA issues permits for the discharge of pollutants, while the USACE issues permits for the discharge of fill material. Individuals who discharge a pollutant or fill material without a permit from the proper agency are subject to civil and criminal penalties. Because the CWA regulates “waters of the United States,” the definition of this phrase is key to determine the statute’s jurisdictional reach.

In 1986, EPA and USACE defined “waters of the United States” to include traditional navigable waters, interstate waters, all other waters that could affect interstate commerce, tributaries, and adjacent wetlands. However, subsequent Supreme Court decisions over the years narrowed the agency’s application of this definition.

In Rapanos , the Supreme Court most recently considered the definition of “waters of the United States.” The Court determined that the USACE’s application of the definition was too broad when applied to a wetland adjacent to a tributary but without a surface water connection. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court could not come to a majority decision in the case. Five justices agreed that USACE’s interpretation was too extensive. Four justices reasoned that wetlands with continuous surface connections to adjacent waters fall under the CWA’s jurisdiction. One concurring justice—who agreed that the interpretation was too broad—wrote that whether or not adjacent wetlands were a “water of the United States” depends upon whether the wetland has a “significant nexus” to a water regulated by the CWA.

Following the Supreme Court’s decision in Rapanos , EPA issued guidance that adopted the concurring opinion’s significant nexus test. Through this guidance, USACE and EPA asserted CWA jurisdiction over all traditional navigable waters, wetlands adjacent to these waters, relatively permanent tributaries of traditional navigable waters, wetlands abutting those tributaries, and non-permanent tributaries and their adjacent wetlands if they had a “significant nexus” to traditional navigable waters. The guidance proved vague, unwieldy, and created a patchwork of court precedents which caused EPA and USACE to propose the clarified “waters of the United States” definition.

The Proposed Rule

When EPA and USACE released the proposed rule, they stated that the definition generally finds all tributaries of traditionally navigable waters, interstate waters, and adjacent water bodies as automatically within the agencies’ jurisdictions because these waters share a “significant nexus” to navigable waters. According to EPA, the proposed rule clarifies that the CWA protects the following waters: seasonal and rain-dependent streams, wetlands near rivers and streams, other types of waters that may have uncertain connections with downstream water based upon a significant nexus to a water body (i.e. ditches).

The proposed rule also establishes default jurisdiction for all streams, ponds, and wetlands located in floodplains and riparian corridors, but leaves jurisdictional determinations on “unidirectional” waters, non-adjacent wetlands, and “other waters” such as prairie potholes, that are outside of riparian and flood zones and determined on a case-by-case basis based on  scientific evidence demonstrating a “significant nexus.” The agencies define “significant nexus” as one that “significantly affects the chemical, physical or biological integrity” of a downstream river, territorial sea, or other jurisdictional water.

EPA and USACE based this draft rule on a peer-reviewed assessment of more than a thousand scientific studies that look at the connectivity of waters in the United States to each other. In essence, this assessment concluded that all streams and wetlands—regardless of size of continuity of flow—are connected to a navigable water because they affect the quality of the larger waterways. The agencies will not issue a final rule until EPA finalizes this connectivity study. However, EPA’s own Science Advisory Board has issues with the study and it is unclear when EPA will complete the study.

  Farmers Unhappy with Overbroad Rule

Many agricultural interest groups are unhappy with the proposed “water of the United States” definition because the proposal brings virtually all waters, regardless of their size or continuity of flow, under the CWA’s jurisdiction. Most of these groups are concerned about that farmers will be required to obtain costly and burdensome CWA permits to conduct everyday chores because the rule would regulate things such as ephemeral drains, small and remote waters, and ditches. Thus, EPA will require farmers to obtain federal permit for activities performed near these “waters.” These groups, and even politicians, see the rule as a new roadblock for farmers and an attempt by EPA to obtain land use regulatory authority.

The CWA grants numerous exemptions and exclusions for farming and ranching. EPA and USACE claims that the proposed rule preserves those exemptions. Additionally, the agencies worked with the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) to develop an interpretive rule to ensure 56 specific conservation practices related to water quality improvement, such as habitat restoration and establishing riparian forest buffers, will not be subject to CWA’s section 404 permitting requirements. The interpretive rule seeks to exempt these practices by specifying these activities as “normal farming” measures. In order to qualify for this exemption, the activities must be part of an established farming, forestry, or ranching operation and implemented in compliance with USDA technical standards.

These exemptions appear as though they actually benefit agricultural practices by exempting “normal” farming or ranching activities. However, these exemptions are not all that they seem to be. First, many exempted activities are common farming practices such as fencing, grazing, and brush management that have usually been considered “normal” farming and ranching activities under the statutory exemption. Additionally, EPA and USACE narrowly defined “normal” by limiting it to activities that have been ongoing since the 1970s. This means that new farms, farms that have come in and out of production over time, or those that have changed from one type of crop to another fall outside the “normal” farming exemption. Finally, these exemptions only apply to the CWA’s section 404 fill permit program; it does not provide protection from potential liability and section 402 requirements. Many everyday activities such as weed control or fertilizer application could trigger liability if a farmer accidentally deposits materials into a ditch or ephemeral stream. These narrow exemptions do not protect farmers from new restrictions on farming practices or provide for the clarity on the jurisdictional reach of the CWA as the rule intended.

The “water of the United States” rule is open for comment until July 21, 2014.

Emily is a 2014 VLS graduate. Originally from a small dairy farm in Northern Illinois, she graduated from the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign with a BS in Animal Sciences and a minor in Environmental Economics and Law. Emily’s passion for agriculture drove her to attend law school where she focuses on the interplay between environmental law and agricultural operations. While at VLS, Emily was a member of the National Moot Court Team and a Headnote Editor for the  Vermont Law Review.

The post Muddy Clarity for Farming: EPA’s Proposed “Waters of the United States” Definition appeared first on Vermont Journal of Environmental Law.

Summary: This EcoPerspective takes a critical look at the indirect effects of outdoor recreation on the environment. Large numbers of people are inspired through recreation and related activities to protect the wild and untrammeled places left in the world. But recreation, in itself, has its own environmental consequences. The desire alone to protect these natural playgrounds does very little to address the greater environmental harm that results from work and other day-to-day activities.

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By Scott Lake

The tiny plastic shavings became a thick, suffocating dust, and settled on any available surface. Soon, a thin layer of bizarre, multicolored sawdust covered everything. It left a strange, greasy residue that not even the best dish soap would cut through. The place was a mess. And still the sharp plastic dust kept collecting. It scratched the inside of our throats and plugged our noses. We put up with it. In the early days of the company, everyone was expected to make sacrifices. Generally, this meant long hours and unhealthy working conditions. The plastic dust was just the latest in a long series of environmental challenges that we—as the physical backbone of a struggling small business—had to put up with. Before the dust, I spent hours breaking up chalk, hunched over a fifty-gallon barrel breathing in a different type of suffocating dust. There were no sick days. If you wanted to keep you job, you did not complain. The worst thing any of us could do, as employees, was to make things more difficult for management. Rock climbing, it turns out, is a tough, messy business.

Our company was founded and operated by two men who really enjoyed climbing. They had decided, some years ago, that they wanted to start a climbing company, so they rented space in an old warehouse and began making climbing equipment. We catered to an odd subculture within rock climbing called bouldering. Boulderers—as those who practice bouldering call themselves—do not use ropes. They climb short, relatively technical bits of rock close to the ground. With some exceptions, they rarely climb high enough to risk serious injury. Bouldering tends to be more social than other kinds of climbing. It’s also more accessible than roped climbing, since it requires less gear, and you don’t have to learn how to belay.

Boulderers often fall. To protect themselves, they place pads on the ground below the rocks they climb. The company that I worked for made these pads. In the beginning, I spent most of my days cutting fabric and foam. But soon, we diversified. We began making larger pads and flooring systems for indoor climbing gyms. Later, we made the plastic handholds that indoor gyms bolt onto their walls. The plastic dust came from the handholds. Making holds is a messy process that involves a lot of chemistry and a belt sander. We also dealt in large volumes of other potentially toxic substances, including foam, vinyl, acetone, and many types of glue. We produced a lot of waste; the dumpster in the front parking lot filled up every couple of days. As for the rainbow-colored plastic sawdust, we swept it up and threw it in the dumpster with everything else. Many of those shavings no doubt made it to the river that ran behind the warehouse.

Knowing what I know now, I would hesitate to call bouldering an environmentally friendly activity. Our manufacturing business certainly was not. I think our bosses would have gladly dumped our toxic garbage in the river, if they were not so afraid of getting caught. Most of the people I worked with would have called themselves environmentalists, but they managed to suspend their environmental sympathies between 8:00 a.m. and 5:00 p.m. There was work to be done. Our production schedule tolerated only minimal delays on account of sickness and injury; it certainly did not have room for environmental concerns.

Too often, the environment takes on tertiary importance, circumscribed by the persistent demands of our daily lives. When work calls, the earth can wait; even among climbers who look to natural environments for inspiration. Such an approach trivializes the natural world and erodes our connections to it. As historian Richard White warned, we must “come to terms with our work.” We must “pursue the implications of our labor and our bodies in the natural world.” We are not separate from nature; we are part of it. Nature is not just a place we visit in our free time. Everything we do—especially our work—affects the environmental resources on which we depend. White agued that if we fail to acknowledge our “self-deception,” we will “turn [wild] lands into a public playground. We will . . . imagine nature as . . . a paradise where we leave work behind.” I submit that this has already happened. At the climbing company—which shall remain nameless—we sullied our workspace and then drove miles to climb in remote locations.

The question going forward, then, whether the current alliance of recreation and environmentalism makes sense. I believe the answer depends on whether climbers, and others who play in the outdoors, are willing to acknowledge the true environmental costs of their actions. All of us—even those who go on foot into the wild, pick up after ourselves, and take only pictures—must understand that we alter the places we visit. Sometimes, as is the case with bouldering, we leave permanent reminders of our presence. In other cases—as with the manufacturing of climbing gear—we have indirect, but severe effects. I am not saying we should stop recreating, or stay out of the wilderness. But we need to discard the hypocrisy of claiming that we represent a higher, or more forgivable, use of nature’s abundance. The fact that we tread more lightly on our playground does not change the fact that we consider it a playground. Nor does it excuse the indirect consequences of our activities—plastic dust and all.

Scott Lake is a second-year student at Vermont Law School. He will graduate in Spring 2015 with JD and MELP degrees. He is also VJEL’s incoming Senior Article Editor. Before coming to Vermont Law School, Scott lived in Boise, Idaho, where he worked strange, low-paying jobs with peculiar people and played a lot of guitar. He also worked summers as a wildland firefighter with the U.S. Forest Service. He vehemently insists that Idaho has more to offer than potatoes, but so far, we don’t believe him. After graduation, he plans to practice public interest environmental law in the Pacific Northwest, where he hopes to protect wilderness and wildlife from pollution, exploitation, and the Idaho legislature.

The post Of Plastic and Playgrounds: Re-Thinking the Relationship Between Work, Recreation, and the Environment appeared first on Vermont Journal of Environmental Law.

Summary: At the end of last month, the IPCC released the next component of the Fifth Assessment Report. Working Group II’s addition follows the updated scientific analysis of Working Group I and provides information of the impacts of climate change, vulnerability to climate change, and adaptation suggestions. While some argue that the report goes too far in describing the potential doom and gloom of climate change, others counter that the report does not go far enough. Regardless, it can serve as a useful tool for climate change policy negotiations.

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By Kristin Campbell

At the end of March 2014, Working Group II (WGII) unleashed upon the global community their contribution to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Fifth Assessment Report (AR5). Upon release, climate change reappeared in the news. Reactions ranged from acceptance of the likelihood of the grim future portrayed to saying the doom and gloom touted did not go far enough. The reactions are expected because the drafting process of the IPCC Reports is built on compromise. Each word is meticulously chosen to create a document with which all of the authors can accept. While the Reports will never be considered perfect, they can still have great utility for policy makers and international action on climate change.

The IPCC Reports are generated by thousands of scientists that contribute the newest and best research to the project. The IPCC was established by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) in the late 1980s. Since then, scientists from around the world have collaborated to produce five reports on the state of the present climate and forecast for the future climate. The final Report survives numerous edits from experts and evolves through additional revisions by the authors. These reports emerge approximately every seven years and contain updated information as the result of increasingly more advanced climate models as well as a better understanding of the atmosphere as a whole.

Working Group I (WGI) provides the scientific basis for the climate change discussion, addressing the past climate regime to give a baseline with which to compare today’s current climate in addition to validation for the climate models that forecast the future climate. WGI’s contribution to the AR5 is a massive document of more than 1,500 pages. Sifting through each word was a daunting task for the reviewers. To facilitate using the information in the IPCC, each section has a technical summary to start the chapter. Quick snippets about the contents of the section highlight important facts contained within the section. Should something within the technical summary pique your interest, a thorough discussion is found within the chapter. But even the technical summaries can be overwhelming. Thankfully, part of the IPCC process requires publication of a “Summary for Policymakers” (SPM) for each Working Group. The SPM breaks the WGI’s 1,500 pages down to only thirty-six pages, but it contains a wealth of information. The SPM allows for solid reference to the science to justify policy decisions rather than cite to the full IPCC report.

In terms of practical use, WGI is immensely beneficial to the scientific community, but the document is rife with technical terms that are best understood by fellow scientists. Even the painstakingly crafted graphics that provide visual references cannot completely portray the totality of the impacts of increased precipitation in certain areas from recurring and prolonged droughts in other areas. Knowing that the average global temperature will increase or precipitation patterns will change is only one piece of the puzzle. For the scientific research to be truly effective, it is imperative to understand what it means in a world beyond computer models.

Enter Working Group II. This Group provides a further connection of the scientific consensus with life on Earth. The authors are tasked with absorbing the technical discussion of the scientific results and translating the information into a language that resonates with a larger audience. Step one is evaluating the impacts. The scientific information presented in WGI highlights regions that may be affected by certain atmospheric phenomena. WGII must evaluate these regions and consider a multitude of factors to determine the impact climate change will have. WGII also looks at the vulnerability of the affected states. Some places might be susceptible to similar alterations of the climate system, but in some cases, social and economic factors will determine just how detrimental the climate changes will be.

The magnitude of impacts in many places hinges on the vulnerability of the people living there. Vulnerability, as defined within the Summary for Policymakers for WGII, is “the propensity or predisposition to be adversely affected. Vulnerability encompasses a variety of concepts and elements including sensitivity or susceptibility to harm and lack of capacity to cope and adapt.” The vulnerability of a population is not solely based on the proximity to the rising seas or being situated on the edge of a desert. The social and economic dynamics also affect the vulnerability of the people.

Climate change is happening. Working Group II reported that the effects of climate change are beginning to appear everywhere. Some places around the globe will see similar changes in the climate, but the impacts will not be nearly as devastating. Part of WGII’s Report looks at adaptation. Mitigation should not be completely ruled out of the picture, but with the effects of climate change already appearing, adaptation needs a stronger point in the discussion. Tragically, those adapting first, not only have contributed the least climate change, but also lack sufficient resources to properly attack the problem. For example, Bangladesh only contributed 0.4 metric tons of CO2 to the atmosphere in 2010 (while the United States emitted 17.6 metric tons), but it is already considering ways to reinforce coastline against climate-change-induced sea level rise and looking into alternatives for their agricultural sectors that will be sustainable as the climate changes.

As the international community evaluates the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in anticipation of the next Conference of the Parties in December 2014, the IPCC’s report should be taken into consideration. The IPCC has produced a report that contains substantial information about how and why climate change is occurring. We can no longer sit back and discuss climate change as a future event. The impacts, including those forecasted by previous IPCC reports, are making themselves known. They are not going away. Sea level is rising and islands are disappearing. The average global temperature is rising and precipitation patterns are changing.  In developed countries, like the United States, the realities of these changes might still be discussed in the future tense. And even when the impacts becomes part of daily life, countries with stronger economies and technological advances will be in a better position to adapt.

Developing countries are not as lucky. Many people around the world are struggling for regular access to clean water and enough food. Even more are relegated to living day to day with a never-ending uncertainty about whether they will be able to make ends meet. On top of all of those trials and tribulations, climate change threatens to take every little bit of what they own. Adaptation is not impossible, but it relies on the kindness of others. It relies on global climate policy having the teeth to demand mitigation of climate change to best of our abilities. And more importantly, climate change policy must address adaptation, including how to adapt and how to fund the adaptation. Climate change is a global problem that requires a global solution. Humans are resilient and change is possible. The IPCC has laid out a dismal future if nothing changes. As the UNFCCC looks for a plan for 2015 and beyond, they should evaluate the work put together by all of the IPCC scientists, take it to heart, and help prevent climate change catastrophe. The UNFCCC has been entrusted to solve the climate change problem through international collaboration. The time for talking has run out. Instead, they should take immediate action to limit greenhouse gas emissions and foster development of adaptation strategies.

Kristin is a second-year Juris Doctor and Master of Environmental Law and Policy student at Vermont Law School. Prior to law school, she completed the Climate and Society Masters Program at Columbia University where she focused on applying climate science information to various social sectors. Her desire to address climate change began as a interest in climatology while earning a Bachelor of Science in Meteorology at Florida State University. Kristin was drawn to meteorology from a young age because of her fascination with the thunderstorms and hurricanes that frequented her South Florida home. When she’s not building the bridge between climate science and climate change policy, Kristin teaches dance to young children, consumes her weight in tea on a daily basis, and scouts out the best place to devour a good book (with a preference for the outdoors when the weather is nice and the couch with the cats when precipitation attacks the earth). 

Summary : Recently, at Vermont Law School’s annual Solutions Conference, a panel discussion highlighted the need for a stronger indigenous voice in natural resource management. The three speakers came from vastly different cultural and professional backgrounds, but all three agreed that local, state, and federal resource managers have repeatedly ignored indigenous concerns. Currently, indigenous peoples are making progress and some have secured a meaningful role in resource management decisions. However, they still have a long way to go. Environmental issues still disproportionately affect indigenous communities and economic development interests often force indigenous concerns to the sidelines.

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By Scott Lake

On Friday, March 28, Vermont Law School (VLS) held a panel discussion, revealing  the need for a stronger indigenous voice in natural resource policy. Three individuals who work on behalf of indigenous communities spoke about environmental threats to native peoples and cultures. In all three cases, native communities are struggling to maintain their cultural independence in the face of resource mismanagement, pollution, and governmental indifference.

While resource management decisions attempt to balance costs and benefits, indigenous people often bear a disproportionate share of the costs. Moreover, indigenous views on the connection between people, land, water, and wildlife often conflict with state and federal resource policy.

N. Bruce Duthu, a professor at Dartmouth College and a member of the Houma people of southern Louisiana, spoke of his tribe’s struggle to hold onto their lands and maintain their livelihoods. The Houma are rapidly loosing their lands to subsidence and erosion. The Mississippi River—now channelized by miles of dikes, levees, and canals – no longer deposits the sediment needed to replenish the Houma lands. And, according to Duthu, climate change is making matters worse. Flooding is more common and storms are more severe. Simultaneously, the fisheries on which the Houma people traditionally depend are dying. Young Houma men, who once trained to be fisherman, now go to work in the oil industry.  This is largely responsible for the collapse of the coastal fishery. Therefore, the Houma people have a “love-hate relationship” with oil.  Because the Houma people are not a federally recognized tribe, they are forced to rely on the State of Louisiana to stand up to oil interest on their behalf.  This rarely happens since the oil industry plays such a large role in state politics.  In fact one state legislator has suggested Louisiana replace the pelican on its state flag with the Texaco star.

In Washington State, Larry Campbell, a member of the Swinomish tribe, is working to protect salmon fisheries. The Swinomish and other Western Washington tribes traditionally depended on pacific salmon for sustenance and they considered themselves wealthy when salmon were plentiful. But now, with many salmon runs in danger of extinction, the tribes are struggling to assert their right to fish under numerous treaties with the United States. According to Campbell, the right to fish implies an obligation to protect and preserve the salmon. Campbell and other tribal leaders have finally secured a promise of meaningful consultation from State officials. But all too often, Campbell says, non-tribal economic development interests win in both the legislature and the courts.

Finally, Chris Amato, an attorney for EarthJustice, spoke to the VLS audience about the environmental challenges facing the Onondaga people of New York State. According to legend, Onondaga lake, near present-day Syracuse, is the birthplace of the Six Nations—also known as the Iroquois Confederacy. Today, however, the lake is a superfund site. Amato is working with the Onondaga to solve this and other problems by invoking federal anti-pollution laws. Amato works with environmental statutes—such as the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act – that allow tribes to interact with federal regulators as sovereign governments. The tribes have successfully utilized these laws to address “egregious abuses of process” by regulatory agencies. Because the Onondaga’s efforts, and others, tribes are beginning to play a meaningful role in environmental decision-making.

The tragedy is that the original inhabitants of the United States went so long without a voice in natural resource management. To many indigenous peoples, natural resources —such as lakes, forests, and fish—hold cultural and spiritual significance. The fact that indigenous peoples—like the Houma, the Swinomish, and the Onondaga—are often excluded from resource management decisions reveals a gigantic blind spot in environmental policy.

Natural resource planning often proceeds from the premise that managers ought to seek the “highest use” of any given resource. But, as this indigenous rights panel pointed out, the definition of “highest use” is open for debate. Too often, management decisions accommodate only economic interests. However, as Duthu, Campbell, and Amato pointed out, economic development goals often overlook the cultural and spiritual values of indigenous peoples. Management decisions also tend to sacrifice the long-term well-being of indigenous communities for the sake of short-term economic gain. Native peoples should share in land-management decisions on a level equal to federal regulators and state governments.

Scott Lake is a second-year student at Vermont Law School. He will graduate in Spring 2015 with JD and MELP degrees. He is also VJEL’s incoming Senior Article Editor. Before coming to Vermont Law School, Scott lived in Boise, Idaho, where he worked strange, low-paying jobs with peculiar people and played a lot of guitar. He also worked summers as a wildland firefighter with the U.S. Forest Service. He vehemently insists that Idaho has more to offer than potatoes, but so far, we don’t believe him. After graduation, he plans to practice public interest environmental law in the Pacific Northwest, where he hopes to protect wilderness and wildlife from pollution, exploitation, and the Idaho legislature.

The post Indigenous Peoples Seek a Voice in Natural Resource Management appeared first on Vermont Journal of Environmental Law.

Summary:  Arid regions in the southwest are quickly running out of water from excessive groundwater withdrawals, reduced surface water availability, and altered climate patterns. Texas is one of many arid regions facing severe water shortages. In an effort to secure water resources, Texas has turned to suing its neighbors for water resources rather than facing the elephant in the room: its own over consumptive water use.

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By Emily J. Remmel

Texas is out of water.

The Lone Star State’s surging human population, thriving natural gas and industry demands, and its high susceptibility to drought coalesce to create the perfect storm for water disputes. Water resources conflicts are familiar battles to westerners. Texas, however, is on the verge of facing an all-time water crisis and is blundering to secure water resources for future generations.

It is time Texas faces the thirsty elephant in the room.

As of now, Texas is making a paltry effort to face its growing demand for water and its critical lack of supply. Texas’s current strategy—sue thy neighbor.

In an effort to secure freshwater resources for its residents, Texas sued its Red-River rival and northern neighbor, Oklahoma. Tarrant Regional Water District (TWRD) applied for a permit to divert high quality fresh water from several Oklahoma tributaries to supply 1.7 million people (and growing) in the Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex. In Tarrant Regional Water District v. Hermann, Texas claimed that once the pristine Oklahoma tributaries met the shared Red River, the water became too saline, was unusable, and was ultimately wasted as it flowed into the Gulf of Mexico. TRWD further claimed Oklahoma’s denial for a permit was discriminatory in nature and unconstitutional under the dormant commerce clause.

This past summer, the United States Supreme Court ruled the Red River Compact, authorized by Congress in 1978, granted Oklahoma the right to deny Texas entry into Oklahoma to divert water resources. In a unanimous decision, Justice Sotomayor affirmed that thirsty Texas does not have a right to tap into Oklahoma’s water before the water physically reaches the Red River. This ten year battle left Texas with an empty bucket.

Now, a year later, Texas is at it again. This time, Texas is looking west to the Elephant Butte Reservoir in New Mexico in an effort to secure current and future water resources. Texas The delay and costly loss against Oklahoma may have motivated Texas to beeline it to the Supreme Court asserting original jurisdiction. Texas’s claim: New Mexico is violating the Rio Grande Compact by failing to deliver specified quantities of water into the Elephant Butte Reservoir to Texas’s detriment.

The Rio Grande River headwaters originate in southwestern Colorado and the River meanders through New Mexico before reaching Texas and discharging in the Gulf of Mexico. The River gracefully carves through the desert creating precipitous canyon walls. The United States National Park Service has designated certain portions of the River as wild and scenic because of its allure. The River is in trouble. Diminishing rainfall, shrinking snowmelt, and exuberant water withdrawals are reducing the River’s flow. The Elephant Butte Reservoir is at 18 percent its full capacity. The Reservoir is no longer a blue haven in the desert; it now seems more like desolate mirage.

Colorado, New Mexico, and Texas entered into the Rio Grande Compact, signed by Congress in 1939. This Compact specifically allocates a designated water quantity between the three states. Texas argues that New Mexico, contrary to the intent and purpose of the Compact, has allowed excessive surface water diversions and groundwater withdrawals, mostly to meet agricultural demands in an increasingly arid climate. New Mexico has violated the Compact by failing to deliver specific water quantities to the Elephant Butte Reservoir. Interestingly, Texas’s legal claim identifies the hydrological connection between surface water and groundwater. This hydrological phenomenon is usually not founded in the law, especially in the west where surface water rights are distinct from groundwater rights. On January 27, the Supreme Court granted original jurisdiction, allowing Texas to bring its water claim straight to country’s highest judicial authority.

Texas is home to millions of residents and dwindling water supplies. Further, it is clear that municipalities across the great state of Texas continually face reduced water supplies because of higher demands and drier climates. Texas has one tragic flaw: it persistently relies on the judicial system to allocate water to the state rather than take progressive steps towards conservation. It is true, according to the archaic and cryptic water Compact, Texans may deserve a certain “percentage” of water allocation from surrounding states. But Texas refuses to acknowledge the thirsty elephant in the room—extreme growth and development coupled with the lack of existing adequate freshwater supplies makes the “percent” water allocations increasingly unreasonable.

California, the poster state for water conflicts in the United States, is currently experiencing one of the worst droughts on record, quite possibly the worst in 434 years. Southern California’s soaring populations may face severe water restrictions and the state’s valuable agricultural industry could instantly crumble. Within the last two weeks, California farmers in dire need of water for thirsty crops requested assistance from the federal government. The Bureau of Reclamation, the federal agency in charge of water reservoirs and infrastructure on federal lands, turned thirsty-ag away. Although a forecasted two inches of rain may provide acute quick relief to those farmers seeking water, the chronic shortage of water resources in the west is only worsening. The Bureau of Reclamations decision was on-point—redirecting water resources through man-made canals and lengthy interstate or intrastate pipelines is not the solution. California’s drastic overuse of water to available quantity is a prime example of how Texas’s future pivots on a change of water mentality.

While we patiently await Texas’s formal complaint and New Mexico’s 12(b)(6) motion to the Supreme Court regarding the Elephant Butte Reservoir conflict, one must ponder alternatives to Texas’s chronic water shortages. What Texas has failed to see is that the solution to the water conundrum rests not in tedious litigious battles, but in Texas initiating robust water policies that restrict water use and incentivize water conservation.

To achieve such a balance, Texas must initiate cooperative land development and water resources planning. Texas should not promote urban or industrial expansion without a comprehensive water supply plan for the future. The burden to secure water resources would fall on the developer, not the town. The downside to this alternative is a drastic departure from the status quo and reduced economic prosperity (no community truly would promote less business). The decision, however, would offer long-term economic benefits. Residents and existing businesses or industries would be assured adequate water resources based on the comprehensive study and pre-condition that water supplies be adequate before development. There would be no competition or fear for the growing scarcity of water. Aquatic habitats would not be altered by interbasin water transfers. The answer to Texas’s water conflict rests with municipalities realizing water scarcity as an issue before it becomes a problem.

Texas should face this issue head on by implementing comprehensive water planning and development schemes. One thing is clear besides the shortage of water: Texas is running out of neighbors to sue. If the Lone Star State falters again before the Supreme Court against New Mexico, who knows which state Texas may sue next to secure water resources for its 26 million residents, multi-billion dollar agricultural and livestock revenue, and its predominant oil and gas industry.

Emily J. Remmel is a third-year Juris Doctorate candidate at Vermont Law School. She is near completion of a Certificate in Water Law and Policy and serves as the Editor-in-Chief of the Vermont Journal of Environmental Law. Emily is from Edmond, Oklahoma. She grew up with an admiration to understand and protect animals in their natural environment. She has a BS and MS degree in Zoology from the University of Oklahoma, where her focus was aquatic ecology. When not geeking out in the laboratory, she could be found exploring the natural world around her—seining for fishes, collecting water samples, and netting zooplankton to keep as pet friends in mason jars on her windowsill. Her career goal is to pursue her life’s dream to solve the freshwater demand crisis while protecting and preserving aquatic ecosystems.

Summary:   The Freedom Industries chemical spill in Charleston, West Virginia exposed holes in state and federal regulations for chemical storage tanks. A new Senate bill – S. 1961 – seeks to close existing loopholes and provide additional federal oversight where current state laws do not apply. The bill may prevent something like the Elk River spill from happening again in states that fail to take an initiative to implement preventative measures on their own.

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By Ashley Welsch

On January 9, 2014, a chemical tank at Freedom Industries in Charleston, West Virginia, leaked into the Elk River. The spill left 300,000 people over nine counties without drinking, cooking, or bathing water for ten days. The West Virginia National Guard and the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) had to provide aid to the affected residents, which included tankers full of potable water.

Almost immediately, politicians and community groups cried for new regulations to prevent something like the Elk River spill from happening again. At first glance, though, existing laws would seem applicable to the spill at Freedom Industries. Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) echoed this sentiment stating, “I am entirely confident that there are ample regulations already on the books to protect the health and safety of the American people.” Boehner is right in thinking that the Emergency Planning and Community Right to Know Act (EPCRA) and Clean Water Act (CWA) should have addressed the spill. But in reality, Boehner received donations from the Vice President of Freedom Industries in 2013. And Freedom Industries’ chemical tanks were operating within loopholes large enough to fit, well, tanker trucks of drinking water.

First, the area was practically a ticking time bomb. There are two other, larger chemical facilities along another river in the area, which is known by locals as “Chemical Valley.” In 2002, the Department of Health and Human Resources labeled Chemical Valley as having a “high” susceptibility to contamination. Federal regulators and local advocacy groups had urged West Virginia to pass new chemical safety regulations in 2010, but nothing happened.

It turns out that West Virginia is not very hospitable to regulations, and especially not to environmental regulations. West Virginia Department of Environmental Protection (WVDEP) regulations are not enforceable until approved by the State Legislature, which opens the door to prevalent industry lobbyists. Additionally, a New York Times investigation found that the WVDEP’s enforcement practices were questionable and their treatment of polluters was lax. There is also little public access to WVDEP records. There is no online database for West Virginians to access facilities’ EPCRA filings. Citizens must use a Freedom of Information Act request to access the records on paper.

Even if EPCRA records were accessible, EPCRA was not effective here. The Administrator of the local Emergency Planning Committee didn’t know the tank was there until after the spill, and Freedom Industries took almost four hours to report the spill. Freedom Industries wasn’t legally required to report the spill within 15 minutes—the EPCRA standard—because neither EPA nor the Department of Transportation had classified the chemical as “dangerous.” About a year ago, Freedom Industries gave the West Virginia Division of Homeland Security and Emergency Management an inventory of chemicals it had with “immediate hazards,” and the chemical that spilled was on that list. The inventory list was filed pursuant to EPCRA, but Freedom Industries never filed their emergency management plan. The water treatment plant operator and the local emergency group did not even know the inventory list existed.

Neither the public nor officials were familiar with what exactly leaked into Elk River. The main chemical that spilled, 4-Methylcyclohexanemethanol (MCHM), is a coal processing agent. The Occupational Safety and Health Administration has labeled MCHM as “hazardous,” and its consumption can cause nausea, dizziness, headaches, rashes, and burning eyes. Twelve days after the spill, Freedom Industries revealed that a second chemical, PPH, was in the tank. PPH, or polyglycol ethers, is a thinner for MCHM. MCHM hasn’t been tested for toxicity effects in over 40 years, and the Center for Disease Control and Prevention does not have any hazard information about it. Finally, the water treatment plant downstream of the spill did not know of any specific treatment to remove the MCHM from the water supply.

Even if public officials and citizens had known about the tank and what was inside, the tank was not subject to any environmental regulations. West Virginia, unlike other states, doesn’t require inspections of aboveground chemical storage facilities. However, West Virginia law does require aboveground storage facilities to provide containment areas for spills, allow leaks to be easily detected, and have a groundwater protection plan. But, Freedom Industries never submitted any protection plan to the WVDEP. The EPA generally does not regulate aboveground storage tanks either, though facilities with permits to discharge chemicals into water are required to have spill prevention plans for those chemicals. Freedom Industries had one—and only one—permit to discharge storm runoff into the Elk River, but it did not allow the company to discharge the chemicals themselves. Their permit was granted through the less rigorous general permitting system even though the facility is located right on the river. Vermont Law School Professor Pat Parenteau commented, “It’s no surprise that there was weak follow-up and enforcement on a general permit.”

Despite the gaps in regulation, industry lobbyists and some West Virginia politicians do not want increased federal oversight of chemical storage facilities. Industry lobbyists support the idea that states should enforce their own regulations, but new regulations are not needed. Sen. Joe Manchin (D-WV) is also critical of more federal regulation, even if the federal government has a minimal role. Sen. Manchin said, “We’re taking away so much of the liberties and freedoms, so we’ve got to set certain guidelines that are attainable and let states [handle implementation].” Ironically, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill to undermine federal authority under the Toxic Substances Control Act on the same day as the Elk River spill.

Given West Virginia’s poor record of enforcement and overall lack of knowledge and transparency, a federal solution is most appropriate. A new Senate bill (S. 1961) was drafted in the aftermath of the Elk River spill. This bill would require EPA inspections at aboveground storage facilities. These facilities would be subject to regular inspections every three years if they are near a drinking water source, or every five years otherwise. Facilities would also have to notify regulators of the identity and potential toxicity of its chemicals. Approved State programs would have to meet minimum requirements, including design standards, leak detection, spill control, inventory control, staff training, and an emergency response plan.

S. 1961 strikes a suitable balance between State and Federal authorities. Cooperative federalism has been effective for environmental regulation in the past. However, the bill’s future is uncertain because some legislators are wary of the increase in federal oversight. Arguably, this bill respects the States’ authority to handle their environmental problems, as long public health is also protected. S. 1961 resolves the issue of states, like West Virginia, that fail to take the initiative to handle the problem on its own. When 300,000 American citizens go without drinking water for ten days, our current system is clearly flawed. Passing Senate bill 1961 would correct our current system, make things right for several communities (including Chemical Valley), and protect against future catastrophic chemical spills.

Ashley is a JD/Master of Environmental Law and Policy ’15 candidate at Vermont Law School. She is a Staff Editor with the Vermont Journal of Environmental Law, Chair of the Campus Greening Committee, Environmental Legal Research Assistant to the Environmental Law Librarian, and Public Relations Officer for Women’s Law Group. Ashley graduated summa cum laude from the University at Buffalo in 2012 with a double major in Social Sciences Interdisciplinary and Political Science. She also served as the Climate Neutrality Coordinator for the UB Undergraduate Student Association. Ashley has interned with the Clean Air Coalition of Western New York and Amdursky, Pelky, Fennel & Wallen, P.C. in Oswego, NY. Over the summer of 2014, Ashley will intern with the New York State Office of the Attorney General’s Environmental Protection Bureau in Buffalo. After graduation, she would like to practice environmental law with a focus on compliance and enforcement.

The post Elk River Spill Aftermath: Do We Need New Regulations and From Whom? appeared first on Vermont Journal of Environmental Law.

Fall 2013 Symposium

Rising Temps and Emerging Threats: The Intersection of Climate Change and National Security in the 21st Century

Friday, October 25, 2013

Chase Community Center, Vermont Law School, South Royalton, VT

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As the premier environmental law journal for the nation’s leading environmental law school, the Vermont Journal of Environmental Law is pleased to announce that our 2013-2014 Symposium will address the rapidly emerging issue of climate change and national security.

Since 2010, the U.S. Department of Defense has identified climate change as one of the top threats to U.S. national security. More recently, President Barack Obama announced that the United States needs to prepare for a future of weather aggravated by rising temperatures. “The 12 warmest years in recorded history have all come in the last 15 years,” Obama stated in his June 2013 address, describing the impact on our livelihoods, homes, businesses, emergency services, disaster relief, and food prices.

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Across the globe, warming temperatures and changing weather conditions have worsened water scarcity, desertification, and agricultural output forcing global migration.  What is more, sea-level rise, and increasing resource conflicts and humanitarian disasters, threaten the military’s ability to respond.

This day-long Symposium will bring together a variety of experts to address a number of these pressing security issues facing the U.S. and international community today.  Panelists will discuss, debate, and address the real and immediate threats that climate change presents to:

    • National security;
    • The military’s adaptations and response to climate change;
    • The growing threat of climate based forced migration; and
    • Food security as national security.

We hope you will join the Vermont Journal of Environmental Law for this timely 2013-2014 Symposium.

For more information, please contact Symposium Editor, Molly Gray at vjel@vermontlaw.edu.

Videos from this Symposium can be found on our YouTube Page

Schedule:

8:45am – Welcome and Opening Remarks

9:00am – Keynote Address

    • Keynote Speaker: John Steinbruner, Director of the Center for International Security Studies, University of Maryland; Author, Climate and Social Stress: Implications for Security Analysis

9:45am – Climate Change and National Security: Characterizing the Nature of the Security Threat

11:15am – Adapting to Climate Change: The U.S. Military’s Response

12:30 – Lunch Break in Yates Common Room

2:00pm – Climate Based Forced Migration: Adapting to the Displacement and Resettlement of Persons Due to Climate Change

3:15pm – Coffee Break

3:30pm – Food Security as National Security: The Future of Food in the Face of Climate Change

4:45pm – Closing Remarks

5:00pm – Reception

    • Post-symposium reception in Yates Common Room
Alex Mayer
2000 First Place Winner

I. INTRODUCTION

In late 1999, A Civil Action, a major motion picture starring John Travolta, told America the tragic story of twelve children diagnosed with leukemia in Woburn, Massachusetts between 1969 and 1979.[1] The parents, eight of whom lived within a half-mile radius of each other,[2] suspected that their children contracted the cancers because they drank water supplied by two contaminated city wells that were closed in 1979.[3] The “cluster” of 12 childhood leukemias in Woburn was in fact 2.3 times more than epidemiologists had expected.[4]

Jan Schlictmann, the families’ attorney, soon determined that W.R. Grace, Inc. and the J.J. Riley tannery, a subsidiary of Beatrice Foods, may have contaminated the wells through their industrial practices. The families then sued Grace and Beatrice for damages caused by their exposure to the toxic substance trichloroethylene (TCE).[5] Schlictmann suspected the two companies because they had operated manufacturing facilities near the contaminated wells. Because the plaintiffs sued under Massachusetts tort law, they faced a difficult burden of proving that the defendants actually and proximately caused their injuries. This burden would prove insurmountable for the plaintiffs, as Schlictmann would spend the next four years unsuccessfully pursuing his case.

During the four years, Schlictmann and his law firm amassed volumes of evidence suggesting that the defendants were responsible for contaminating the wells,[6] and also that the contaminated wells caused the children to contract leukemia.[7] The scientific complexity of the case required Schlictmann to hire at least 12 medical experts, [8] and numerous engineers, geologists, and hydrogeologists,[9] all at a considerable expense. Unfortunately for the plaintiffs, however, this evidence was inadequate to hold the defendants liable.

In fact, the jury would absolve Beatrice of all liability and find Grace liable for negligence, but only after September, 1973.[10] The 1973 date seriously weakened the plaintiffs’ case because the judge then instructed the jury to disregard all pre-1973 evidence. The jury’s verdict would soon lead to an eight-million dollar settlement with Grace, and end the plaintiffs’ hopes to send a “billion dollar” message to corporate boardrooms.[11]

After spending $2.6 million in expenses and accruing $2.2 million in legal fees,[12] the plaintiffs would net a smaller payout than the costs of the case. The $455,000 per family award seemed like petty change compared to the pain and suffering caused by the diseases and deaths. The verdict, instead of sending a message of fear to the corporate boardrooms, sent the opposite message: that toxic polluters can get away with anything.

Federal and state environmental statutes are designed to prevent the kinds of contamination that occurred in Woburn. The federal and state regulatory systems attempt to prevent the proliferation of harmful chemicals by closely monitoring major generators of pollution.[13] The federal system has also created an information base that tracks toxic chemicals and their exposure to the human environment.

The agencies’ latest toxic release information is not encouraging. First of all, the Environmental Protection Agency’s (“EPA”) 1997 Toxics Release Inventory Report,[14] shows that 2.5 billion pounds of toxic wastes were released into the United States environment in 1997.[15] Considering the carcinogenic and systemic danger of toxic wastes, the 2.5 billion pounds of waste will further increase the risk to public health.

Other government documents discuss the current health risk posed by these toxic releases. For example, the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry (“ATSDR”) recently completed a survey of extant toxicological information. This study describes the increasing human health threats posed by toxic waste releases.[16] The study reports that the number of abandoned (labeled “uncontrolled”) toxic waste sites in the U.S. could range anywhere from 40,000 to 440,000.[17] Sources also estimate that between 1,500 and 3,500 of the sites covered by the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act (“RCRA”)[18] require corrective action.[19]

Of the 40,000 to 440,000 uncontrolled sites, only 1,296 sites are on the CERCLA’s National Priorities List (“NPL”).[20]This list consists of the sites that may be cleaned up using federal funding.[21] Because of this, only a small minority of the uncontrolled sites will become controlled in the near future, while the majority will remain uncontrolled.

The ATSDR has also conducted 1,826 public health assessments of randomly selected, uncontrolled waste sites.[22]Over time, the agency has generally increased the number of sites characterized as “urgent public health hazards” and “public health hazards”.[23] In fact, the number of sites that ATSDR classified in these two groups between 1992 and 1996 averaged 46%.[24]

In addition to its public health assessments, the ATSDR in 1997 found that 36% of NPL sites have “completed exposure pathways,” meaning that toxic chemicals from 36% of these sites are currently penetrating human bodies.[25]At these “completed pathway” sites, the ATSDR has called the 30 most common chemicals CEPPS (Completed Exposure Pathway Priority Substances) and has found that 18 of the 30 CEPPS represent a carcinogenic hazard.[26] All of these CEPPS present other non-carcinogenic health hazards (called “systemic toxic risk”) given a high enough exposure.[27]

Despite its efforts, the ATSDR maintains that the national extent of carcinogenic risk presented by uncontrolled hazardous waste sites is still unknown.[28] Though the actual risk is unknown, both the EPA and the ATSDR report that toxic wastes present an enormous public health hazard. This risk is increasing annually as companies release more toxics and as these toxics find their way to human populations.

Though the toxic tort common law and the federal command and control regulatory framework both work to reduce toxic injuries, they work separately because the toxic tort common law remedies harms while the regulatory system tries to prevent them. Both the Woburn case and the government toxic waste reports leave the reader with pressing questions. How can the common law allow a company like Beatrice to recklessly contaminate a community’s water source? Why do the EPA and the Department of Justice fail to enjoin such actions? Will large corporations think twice before releasing toxic chemicals into the environment, or will they continue their practices with no fear of the consequences or possible harm? Should our legal system be modified so that plaintiffs can face a more surmountable burden of proof in toxic tort cases?

This paper answers the last question affirmatively because many plaintiffs face the same recovery barriers as did the Woburn residents. Such plaintiffs will go uncompensated until the causation level is reduced to a more realistic standard. This paper first investigates the treatment of causation in the toxic tort common law. Next, it explores law reviews, proposed and enacted legislation, and other legal theories for guidance as to toxic tort reform. Finally, the paper suggests that Congress create a federal private cause of action available to any toxic tort victim injured through violations of CERCLA, RCRA or TSCA. [29]

II. BACKGROUND

A. Toxic Tort Causes of Action

Like the plaintiffs in the Woburn case, victims can bring suit against any tortfeasor who may have exposed the plaintiff to harmful toxic chemicals. For many centuries, the tort system has compensated victims for injuries to their bodies, reputations, emotional states, and property. To recover compensation for their injuries, toxic tort victims have mainly employed tort theories of nuisance, negligence, and strict liability.

1. Nuisance

A plaintiff may sue any individual who has disrupted the plaintiff’s right to the private use and enjoyment of his land or who has unreasonably[30] interfered with a right common to the general public. These two types of interferences are known as private and public nuisances, respectively. [31] To recover under nuisance theory, the plaintiff must show that the interference was either intentional and unreasonable, or unintentional and otherwise actionable under negligence or strict liability theories.[32]

Because private parties do not have standing to bring public nuisance claims if they suffer the same injury as the general public, public nuisance actions are generally brought by public officials. [33] However, some toxic tort plaintiffs have successfully used the public nuisance action. For example, Judge Walter Jay Skinner granted public nuisance standing to the Woburn plaintiffs because their various illnesses were, by their nature, special and peculiar injuries.[34]

Most courts have maintained that plaintiffs must sustain an injury “different in kind” from that of the general public, not just “different in degree.” For example, in Venuto v. Owens-Corning Fiberglas Corp.,[35] the plaintiffs complained of respiratory disorders and allergies resulting from the defendant’s emission of fiberglass particles. The court held that this injury was not, by its nature, a special and peculiar injury, and therefore denied plaintiffs’ standing.[36]Because courts may refuse to declare a toxic personal injury “different in kind” from that of the general public, plaintiffs may find the public nuisance cause of action largely ineffective.[37]

Plaintiffs have attempted to use the private nuisance cause of action to recover for certain toxic tort injuries, even though the cause of action is intended to compensate for an interference with the use of land. [38] Such plaintiffs often collect diminution in land value caused by the nuisance.[39] The plaintiffs in Ayers v. Township of Jackson[40]collected additional damages. In Ayers, residents alleged that a township interfered with the use and enjoyment of their land by operating a landfill that leached toxic chemicals into the groundwater. [41] In affirming the jury’s award for impairment of quality of life, emotional distress, and medical surveillance, the court reasoned that a plaintiff could recover for “personal losses flowing directly from” the nuisance.[42] Thus, a plaintiff may successfully sue for certain personal injury damages under a private nuisance theory.

2. Negligence

Toxic tort victims have often alleged a negligence cause of action when seeking compensation. Negligence is conduct that “falls below the standards established by law for the protection of others against unreasonable risk of harm.”[43]A toxic tort plaintiff often contends that the defendant’s release of hazardous materials amounted to negligent conduct.[44] However, as was clear in the Woburn case, negligence is hard to prove because injuries often manifest themselves years after incriminating documents are hidden or destroyed by the defendant.[45] For example, after the jury exonerated Beatrice from negligence, Schlictmann found a hidden report that proved that Beatrice knew that its actions were contaminating the property’s groundwater.[46]

Plaintiffs have employed the negligence per se doctrine as another way to show negligence. The doctrine compares the defendant’s conduct with the conduct established by statute or regulation. In Bagley v. Controlled Environment Corp.,[47] the court noted that because the hazardous waste permit program protects the public, the failure of the defendant to abide by its permitting provisions was “sufficient to establish liability” under negligence.[48] Some cases like Kenney v. Scientific, Inc.[49] reject the negligence per se contention. In this case, the court ruled that violation of federal and state statutory standards for handling toxic chemicals did not amount to a negligence showing, but was only a fact the jury could consider in determining negligence.[50]

3. Strict Liability

Finally, plaintiffs unable to prove common law negligence have found success employing the strict liability approach first described in Rylands v. Fletcher.[51] The strict liability doctrine helps the plaintiff that lacks documentary or testimonial proof of the defendant’s “unreasonable” actions. Under the strict liability system, a defendant must compensate his victim even if he took reasonable precautions.

To aid the courts in determining when strict liability applies, the Restatement 2d of Torts lays out a six-factor balancing test.[52] The toxic tort plaintiff must use the test to show that the defendant’s hazardous waste practices amount to an abnormally dangerous activity (“ADA”). Jurisdictions are inconsistent regarding ADA determinations. For example, many courts have held defendants strictly liable for the operation of a toxic waste dump, storage and disposal of chemical waste, or even operating a dam.[53] However, other courts have held that because reasonable care can prevent toxic releases, plaintiffs cannot seek strict liability recovery, therefore must pursue negligence instead.[54]

 

B. Proof of Causation

Most courts today use the “substantial factor” test of causation. The substantial factor standard often applies to cases with many potential causes of injury. Under the test, the law will hold the defendant responsible for the injury if the plaintiff can show by a preponderance of the evidence that the defendant played a substantial role among all the possible causes of injury.[55]

Unlike traditional tort cases, toxic tort cases often involve indirect links between cause and effect. For example, in a traditional negligence case, careless driver A rear-ends driver B, who was stopped at a traffic light. Such a case is straightforward because eyewitnesses often see that A failed to stop and caused an immediate damage to B’s trunk and bumper. Toxic torts often lack these helpful elements because the defendant’s chemical intrusion goes unnoticed and latent injuries manifest themselves years after the act. Because of these challenges, toxic tort courts may accept a less certain proof of causation.[56]

Because of the complexity involved in linking a toxic injury to a cause, judges will usually separate the causation issue into more understandable subparts. The PCB toxic tort case In re Paoli Railroad Yard PCB Litigation[57] describes the typical causation elements, stating, “the personal injury plaintiffs must show that they were exposed to the chemicals released by the defendants, that these chemicals can cause the types of harm they suffered, and that the chemicals in fact did cause them harm.”[58] Legal commentators often refer to the first clause of this test as “exposure causation” and the last clauses as “medical causation.”

1. Plaintiff was Exposed to a Hazardous Substance

Some toxic tort plaintiffs, especially those complaining of a pharmaceutical’s product defect, will not need an environmental expert to prove their own exposure to the chemical or defendant’s responsibility as the source of the exposure. In such a situation, a lay witness may prove exposure by testifying about his own experiences such as repeated ingestion of a pharmaceutical or smell of a chemical’s odor.[59]

Most plaintiffs, however, claim exposure to odorless, colorless, or tasteless chemical agents. In these cases, the plaintiff must hire an expert to chemically prove that such exposure occurred. For example, in a situation like Woburn where plaintiffs complain about contaminated groundwater,[60] the plaintiff must chemically show that the contaminated groundwater entered their bodies.

Generally, a plaintiff must prove he was exposed to a concentration of the chemical generally higher than that of the general population.[61] In Paoli, the court accepted plaintiff’s expert Dr. Nisbet’s testimony that a 1987 exposure study by ATSDR showed PCB exposure levels for 89 Paoli residents that were much higher than the background level.[62]Often, however, the court demands more precise exposure information, such as the concentration of the exposure,[63]and the duration of exposure.[64]

Regardless of the extent of exposure information required by the court, the plaintiff must prove such an exposure through use of an expert, in which case the court will require that the expert be qualified to testify. All federal courts, and most state courts are now employing the test delineated in Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals,[65] which requires the judge to exclude an unqualified expert’s testimony.[66] Thus, in order to withstand summary judgment, the toxic tort plaintiff must hope that its expert’s study methodology satisfies the Daubert test.[67]

2. Defendant was Responsible for the Exposure

The toxic tort plaintiff faces a second proof barrier when it sets out to prove that the defendant caused the exposure in question. Such proof was problematic in Woburn because the plaintiffs’ hydrogeologic experts were asked to recreate the 10-15 year-old footprints leading from the contaminated wells through the groundwater back to the defendants’ plants.[68] Such proof would require the determination of the soil porosity, knowledge of underground water flow direction, and proof that the contaminated groundwater flowed underneath a river.[69]

Plaintiffs often fail to show that the defendants were a substantial factor in creating the chemical exposure, and thus fail to state a cause of action. For example, in Carroll v. Litton Systems,[70] the plaintiffs charged that they sustained injuries by drinking water from four TCE-contaminated wells. Plaintiffs’ hydrologist testified that the TCE moved from defendant’s manufacturing plant to the wells via the groundwater. However, he could not rebut the defendant’s evidence that the groundwater moved in an opposite direction.[71] Thus the court weakened the plaintiffs’ case by excluding expert testimony under Daubert. Similarly, the case of Thomas v. Fag Bearings Corp.,[72] though not a personal injury case, reiterated the requirement of linking contaminated water to its source. The court discounted the expert’s opinion that a groundwater pathway ran from the defendant’s plant to the drinking wells, a decision that was fatal to plaintiffs’ cause of action.

Some toxic tort plaintiffs can trace the source of the exposure without aid of an expert witness. In a situation analogous to the layperson’s exposure testimony in products liability cases, a plaintiff will testify that she ingested the medicine produced by the defendant, or that she used defendant’s product.[73] Additionally, plaintiffs can link the cause of an odor to a plant emitting smoke at the time.[74]

Once the plaintiff proves exposure causation (proof of elements 1. and 2.), he must proceed to the second prong of the causation analysis: medical causation. As mentioned before, courts often bifurcate complex toxic tort cases so that a jury must reach a verdict on the exposure question before hearing evidence about plaintiff’s injuries.[75] To prove medical causation, the plaintiff must show both that the exposure can cause the particular injury (general causation) and that the exposure did cause the injury (specific causation).

3. The Hazardous Substance Can Cause the Alleged Injury

Plaintiffs in toxic tort cases must prove general causation through medical expert testimony.[76] Such a requirement exists because a court will rarely take judicial notice that a substance is capable of producing the harm.[77] However, the court may often accept evidence from published studies from other scientific experts or government agencies regarding the known effects of the particular chemical.[78] The two medical causation elements are related in the fact that a plaintiff who proves general causation will often try to use his general causation evidence to show specific causation. Such a strategy will be discussed in section 4.

If the expert cannot use studies published by others, he must prove general causation to the jury on his own. The expert will usually present his evidence through an epidemiological study or an animal study. Courts prefer epidemiological studies (if available) over animal studies and often have excluded animal studies under the Daubert“gatekeeping” authority.[79]

The EPA and other health agencies often conduct animal studies to classify chemicals according to their carcinogenicity. Because ethical mores prevent scientists from conducting tests on humans, scientists often test rat or other laboratory animal reactions to high doses of the chemical in question. Scientists then extrapolate the measured health effects on the animals onto the human population.

Critics argue that animal studies overestimate risk in two ways. First, the high doses administered to the animals do not resemble the low-level, long-term exposures experienced by humans.[80] Next, biological differences between humans and the laboratory species may make the extrapolation of animal studies inaccurate.[81]

In the absence of generally accepted epidemiological studies, the court will likely admit a proper animal study. For example, in Paoli, the 3rd Circuit reversed the district court’s exclusion of the plaintiffs’ monkey laboratory studies.[82]According to the plaintiffs’ expert, the studies showed that exposure to PCBs caused elevated levels of enzymes associated with liver damage, elevated lipids, and skin, liver and pancreatic cancer.[83] Because the defendant failed to submit any contradictory epidemiological studies, the court accepted the animal study as proof of general causation.

Courts prefer epidemiological studies as proof of general causation because the studies address the chemical’s cause and effect relationships on people, not animals. Most commonly, the epidemiological study statistically compares the occurrence of harm in the group allegedly exposed to the chemical with the occurrence of harm in a group not exposed to the chemical.[84] Epidemiologists then perform statistical operations on the data in order to quantify the general risk of the chemical. They often quantify the risk through either a relative risk ratio or an attributable risk proportion (“ARP”).[85]

The most common risk quantification method used in toxic tort cases is the risk ratio, which compares those exposed to the chemical with those not exposed.[86] With a risk ratio greater than one, a statistician will predict that more people exposed to the chemical will develop the disease than will those who are not exposed. Therefore, a chemical with a risk ratio of greater than one could be viewed as a general cause of the particular disease, meaning that the chemical can cause the injury in question.[87]

Critics of epidemiological studies point to uncertain results produced by small study populations (“small sample sizes”). A court may discredit such an epidemiological study, calling it “statistically insignificant.” As an example of statistical insignificance, suppose that Stan, a statistician, wanted to determine Shaquille O’Neal’s free throw ability. Stan attends one basketball game, in which O’Neal makes three of his four free throws (75%). Without witnessing many more free throws (increasing his sample size), Stan would unwisely conclude that O’Neal was a good shooter because O’Neal’s success that night may have been an aberration.[88] Likewise, it would be unwise for a court or jury to conclude that contaminated water caused cancer just because 1 of 10 people who drank the water developed cancer. Because sample sizes of most epidemiological populations are generally small, relative risk calculations can vary tremendously. For instance, the EPA has published risk ratios for the association between exposure to radon and lung cancer that have ranged from 3 to 75.[89] The courts therefore seek epidemiological studies with less variance and more statistical significance.

Because of this potential for error, the courts will generally insist that the epidemiological studies be “statistically significant.” The most common epidemiological indicator of statistical significance is the confidence interval. Confidence intervals are often described in terms of a percentage. If an epidemiologist states “the 95% confidence interval for radon’s relative risk is between 1.5 and 2.5,” he believes there is a 95% chance that the actual relative risk lies between 1.5 and 2.5, with the most likely actual risk being 2.0.[90]

Courts demand a 95% confidence interval that does not include a relative risk of 1.[91] Statistically, this requirement translates to a 95% chance that the relative risk is greater than 1, or, phrased differently, a 95% chance that exposure to the chemical can cause the injury. Thus the “95%” legal standard regarding epidemiological probability is much higher than the traditional “more likely than not” (51%) legal standard regarding causation.

A plaintiff can show general causation through published sources, animal studies, or epidemiological studies. The court will exercise its gatekeeping function by strictly monitoring the introduction of such evidence. The plaintiff therefore faces a risk that his suggested relationship between cause and effect will be excluded from the jury if it is not “statistically significant,” a factor determined by sample sizes often out of his control.

4. The Hazardous Substance Did Cause the Plaintiff’s Injury

Finally, once a plaintiff shows that the chemical can cause the injury complained of, he must prove that the chemical did in fact cause the injury. For this proof, the plaintiff’s physician usually testifies that the plaintiff is ill and that the physician believes the alleged exposure caused the illness. Additionally, the plaintiff may introduce an epidemiological study to show the statistical chance that the plaintiff’s injury resulted from the exposure.

Though some courts will allow the jury to infer specific causation from general causation, most courts require the physician to testify that (1) the plaintiff in fact suffered an injury and (2) the defendant caused the injury. Regarding the first element, the appeals court in Paoli excluded Dr. G. John Di Gregorio’s testimony as to specific medical causation because he relied on plaintiffs’ answers to a medical questionnaire instead of physically examining the plaintiffs or reviewing their medical records.[92] The court concluded that Di Gregorio “could not even reliably conclude that the plaintiffs had any illness.” The court thus announces that, at a minimum, the physician must examine the patient when testifying as to specific causation.

When testifying about specific causation, the physician must conduct a differential diagnosis, a diagnosis that rules out alternative causes of the injury. Courts are divided as to what comprises an adequate differential diagnosis. In Paoli, the district court excluded the testimony of two physicians because they did not properly consider the alternative causes of their patient’s illnesses.[93] The 3rd Circuit reversed, describing situations when “there is no need to examine alternatives.”[94] Also, a doctor may perform an adequate differential diagnosis by merely considering alternative causes without having to rule them out.[95] On the other hand, some cases have required a more extensive differential diagnosis.[96]

Finally, physicians have been prohibited from testifying based on exposure testimony that is inaccurate or that has been excluded. For example, in Curtis v. M&S Petroleum,[97] the court stated that if the Acausation opinion is not based on sufficient information of the level of benzene to which plaintiffs were exposed, [the physician’s] methodology would not be reliable, rendering his causation information inadmissible.”[98] Another court has struck medical causation conclusions based on inadmissible exposure duration testimony.[99]

Epidemiological studies have played a large role in specific causation determinations. As mentioned before, epidemiologists use a relative risk of 2.0 to predict that an exposed person was twice as likely to develop the illness than a non-exposed person.[100] From the relative risk ratio, epidemiologists have derived the attributable risk proportion (“ARP”) formula[101] to predict the likelihood that the harm to a person within the relative risk study population was actually caused by the exposure. According to the ARP formula, any relative risk greater than 2 will lead to the statistical conclusion that the chance that a member of the exposed study group suffered injury as a result of the chemical is greater than 50%. Some courts have instructed the jury to translate the statistical conclusion of the ARP to a legal conclusion. For example, courts have instructed jurors that an ARP of greater than .50 is sufficient proof of legal causation.[102] At the other end of the spectrum, however, other courts have prohibited a jury from inferring causation absent an ARP greater than .50.[103] Overall, epidemiological data plays such a large role in proof that the plaintiff should review the statistical limitations of his study before attempting to introduce it as evidence.

III. Analysis

Even though the federal government uses mechanisms designed to prevent releases, it is clear that toxic releases are continuing at an enormous rate that is threatening the public’s health. Similarly, the common law attempts to deter releases by forcing the polluter to compensate the victim for his injury. It is possible that neither mechanism is ensuring an adequate public health level.

The tort system may not be accomplishing its deterrence goal in the toxic tort arena. Manufacturers continue to release massive quantities of carcinogens and other toxic wastes into the environment without much fear that the law will hold them liable for the damages they create. Such liability would likely motivate the manufacturers to take greater care to contain chemical releases or even to find alternate chemical processes that eliminate the production of the harmful chemicals in the first place.

The question remains: Can the tort system be modified, or combined with the federal regulatory scheme, to better protect the health of U.S. citizens? To find a solution to the perceived problem, it is useful to describe and discuss the main challenges for the toxic tort plaintiff and suggestions for reform.

A. Problems With the Current Proof Standard

For over two decades, many legal commentators have lamented the troubles of the toxic tort plaintiff and have called for improvements in the system.[104] These critics isolate the particular challenges the plaintiff faces. Some noted problems include the great expense of most lawsuits, the high level of scientific uncertainty, the latency problem, the lack of defendant documentation, and the substantial factor rule.

1. Prohibitive expense of trial

First of all, the toxic tort plaintiff may be reluctant to sue for financial reasons. As noted in the introduction, the Woburn plaintiffs spent approximately $4.8 million (in 1986 dollars) to try the first half of the bifurcated trial, a financial burden which fell on Schlictmann’s firm because of its contingency fee arrangement.[105] The expense of the trial depleted all of the firm’s resources,[106] and may have pressured the plaintiffs to settle for a much lower sum than they sought.[107] In most cases, the result is that toxic torts will be tried on a contingency basis, and the law firms will likely select only the largest and easiest claims. Thus, the firms may ignore the lesser injuries because the expert and legal fees greatly outnumber the expected recovery. As a result, toxic tortfeasors compensate only the most seriously injured.

2. Scientific Uncertainty

A second major problem for the toxic tort plaintiff stems from science’s imperfect knowledge regarding disease etiology and the nature of exposures. When science cannot unequivocally trace injury back to its source, the judge will often exclude the evidence because it employs some speculation. Such tracing problems exist because the symptoms of diseases caused by toxics are often identical to symptoms caused by natural events. For example, there is no way for science to distinguish leukemia caused by benzene exposure from leukemia caused from a natural mutation.[108] One study panel’s statement reflects the consensus view that imperfect scientific knowledge makes “proof of causal connection between exposure and injuryY an almost overwhelming barrier to recovery.”[109]

3. Latency of Disease

Commentators often stress the latency problem, as many diseases allegedly caused by low-level toxic waste exposures manifest themselves only many years after the exposure. For example, some forms of cancer remain latent for 15 to 40 years between exposure and the onset of symptoms.[110] Such latency has a number of detrimental effects. First, it reduces the likelihood that the actual defendant will be available for trial. The defendant corporation may be out of business, or removed from the appropriate jurisdiction. Next, long latency periods make it very difficult for the plaintiff to accumulate relevant evidence.[111] Science is often faulted for being unable to trace the effect to the cause, but such inability often arises from the fact that natural processes cause the environment to change dramatically over time. Defendants can use this long latency period to cover up or remove any incriminating evidence that has not already been diluted by nature.

4. Defendant’s Control of Release Data

In the Woburn case, the plaintiffs sought documentation regarding the defendants’ knowledge of groundwater contamination, the amount of TCE they had dumped, and the duration they dumped TCE on the land. The plaintiffs obtained only a small fraction of this information because the defendants allegedly disposed of their old records.[112]However, after the settlement was finalized, Schlictmann discovered a hidden sixty page hydrogeologic report that the defendant had commissioned a few years before trial.[113] This helpful report, hidden from the plaintiff, exemplifies how the defendant can control its own documents to keep the plaintiff and the court in the dark. With such a long latency period, the defendant has many opportunities to destroy or alter important documents.

5. Substantial Factor Rule

As mentioned before, a plaintiff can hold a defendant liable if he can show the defendant was a substantial factor in causing the alleged harm. One legal commentator has suggested that the all-or-nothing character of injury-based liability rules allows “significant but not ‘substantial’ risks [to] go unpenalized.”[114] This is because a manufacturer may knowingly release toxic materials into the environment in small enough quantities that no court would call them a “substantial factor” in causing any carcinogenic injury. Though it may never be held accountable by the courts, the manufacturer’s behavior may combine with many other small releases to cause enormous injury. The current causation system seems to induce this type of behavior. The cumulative effect of such induced behavior is a community that is exposed to an increased risk of developing disease.

B. Suggestions for Toxic Tort Reform

1. Administrative Compensation Scheme

In 1980, when the U.S. Senate was proposing Senate Bill 1480 (the hazardous waste cleanup bill which would become CERCLA), between 25 to 30 senators successfully deleted a provision that would have created a federal cause of action for medical expenses and income loss resulting from exposure to hazardous waste.[115] As a compromise between those proposing the revised bill and those supporting the old bill, the negotiators added ‘301(e), which called for a CERCLA-funded study to examine the adequacy of the common law in providing redress for those harmed by hazardous wastes.[116] After concluding that the existing statutory and common law remedies were inadequate, the study suggested the creation of an administrative compensation system to provide a limited, no-fault remedy for those injured by hazardous releases.[117]

The study proposed a system that would keep the existing common law in place, but would create a no-fault administrative scheme to provide a “speedy remedy” for those who sought “limited compensation” for costs like medical expenses or lost earnings.[118] The scheme would be funded through taxation of selected industries.[119]Finally, the strict liability system would ease the plaintiff’s burden of proof by providing the plaintiff with rebuttable presumptions after the plaintiff showed basic causation facts.[120] Once granted, the rebuttable presumption would shift the burden of causation proof to the defendant. The Study Group’s suggestions were never enacted by Congress, but legal commentators have likewise called for a similar administrative compensation scheme.[121]

Such an administrative scheme could greatly improve the toxic tort plaintiff’s plight. For example, the scheme would reduce the financial burden that deters law firms from accepting cases where plaintiffs only suffer minor injuries as opposed to carcinogenic injuries.[122] Such “smaller” plaintiffs could then be compensated for their medical expenses and lost earnings so that these plaintiffs would have a good incentive to maintain good health. It appears the system of recovery would accomplish one of the main goals of the tort system: compensation.[123] Next, the system may be more efficient because the adjudicators could develop technical expertise to handle recurrent complex issues.[124]Finally, an administrative system could ease the current burden placed on the courts to handle lengthy and complex toxic tort trials.[125]

An administrative system contains drawbacks as well. First of all, paid medical expenses and lost earnings may not adequately compensate a victim for mental anguish, wrongful death, or reduction of life expectancy. [126] Such incomplete compensation could be a reason that most industrial manufacturers would support such a system.[127]Next, the industry funded system may provide little individual deterrence for toxic waste releases, resulting in a higher public health hazard. Finally, the costs involved in obtaining an attorney and proving causation under the reduced standard may still be high enough to deter “small plaintiffs.”

2. Statutory Right of Action

Instead of an administrative compensation scheme, others have suggested statutory reform as an avenue to help the toxic tort plaintiff. Though all of these proposals have been rejected at the federal level, some legislation have actually been implemented at the state level.

The first of these proposals creates an express federal right of action for personal injuries caused by hazardous wastes.[128] In 1983, after CERCLA was passed without a private right of action, U.S. Representative LaFalce proposed the Toxic Compensation Act,[129] which would allow any victim the nonexclusive right to sue in federal courts for injuries caused by hazardous wastes.[130] The statute would have provided the plaintiff with a rebuttable presumption of guilt upon “reasonably likely” proof of causation.[131] Two years Congress rejected the LaFalce bill was rejected, it rejected U.S. Representative Frank’s SARA[132] amendment proposal to allow victims to sue under Superfund.[133] Though nearly 15 years have passed since Congress has considered such proposals, there is no evidence that it is presently considering the option.

As opposed to federal inaction, some states have implemented statutory rights of action for toxic tort victims. For example, North Dakota allows any person injured by a state environmental law violation to bring an action for damages. [134] Pennsylvania provides a rebuttable presumption that a person who disposes of hazardous waste “shall be liable, without proof of fault, negligence, or causation, for all damages, contamination or pollution within 2,500 feet of the perimeter of the area where hazardous waste activities have been carried out.”[135] New Hampshire gives the plaintiff a right to collect treble damages if the defendant is both convicted of a hazardous waste violation and is held liable in a civil action.[136]

Finally, Minnesota holds any person who is responsible for hazardous waste release strictly liable for personal injury damages, including pain and suffering.[137] In 1985, however, the legislature repealed a portion of the law that created rules for directed verdicts and medical testimony that arguably lowered the causation proof level.[138]

Even though plaintiffs have rarely used these statutes to plead their causes of action, the statutes provide further evidence that states recognize the utility of statutory rights of action. Compared to the administrative scheme which seems to improve only compensation, the statutory rights of action address both the deterrence and compensation goals of the tort system. For example, in antitrust law, scholars believe that treble damage actions[139] accomplish both goals.[140] New Hampshire’s treble damage provision may prove to be just as effective. The statutory presumptions and reduced proof requirements make it easier for the plaintiff to prove causation. Finally, the North Dakota law allows the plaintiff to bootstrap his claim for damage by introducing evidence that defendant’s conduct violated the law.

These state and federal proposals show that statutory reform is a realistic solution. Though these laws have not been greatly embraced yet, they may show some promise for the future.

3. Modification of the Common Law

One final hope for the plaintiff lies in the possibility that the common law will continue to evolve. If accepted in the majority of jurisdictions, certain legal theories that exist in both the toxic and traditional tort arenas could ease the plaintiff’s burden.

In the toxic tort arena, the most famous example is the burden shifting approach used in the nuclear testing radiation case Allen v. United States.[141] In that case, Judge Bruce Jenkins laid out elements that the jury could balance to determine if the defendant was a substantial factor of injury. Some of the elements were the probability that the plaintiff was exposed to the defendant’s radiation at a rate higher than background, the consistency between plaintiff’s injury and those known to be caused by radiation, and the distance between plaintiffs’ residence and the testing site.[142] More importantly, Jenkins states that if the jury finds enough circumstantial evidence like disease etiology and ARP to conclude defendant was a substantial factor, the court would shift the burden of proof to the defendant.[143]Jenkins even suggests than a less that 50% ARP would suffice to shift the burden of proof.[144]

Next, courts may soon entertain the argument that a defendant who fails to keep proper records of his emissions is estopped from arguing that plaintiff’s case fails for lack of data.[145] Such a rule would greatly help the plaintiff in proving the quantity of the chemicals to which the defendant may have exposed the plaintiff. Though no court has announced such a rule, the court in Elam v. Alcolac, Inc.[146] hinted at such a conclusion. After ruling for the plaintiff, the court noted that the record intended by the state’s regulatory agency regarding toxic spills was never created.[147] Finally, in dicta, the court stated, “the but for proof [defendant] Alcolac insists upon the toxic tort plaintiffsYwas made impossible by the very conduct of the defendant,”[148] thus suggesting that the court would shift the burden of exposure proof from the plaintiff to the defendant because of the defendant’s conduct.

Finally, courts could apply existing tort theories to toxic tort cases. For example, the court in the medical malpractice case of Ybarra v. Spangard[149] employed a res ipsa loquitur theory to explain causation even though the plaintiff had no evidence of the tortfeasor’s identity due to the plaintiff’s unconsciousness.[150] The court stated, “without the aid of the doctrine a patient…would be entirely unable to recover unless the doctors and nurses in attendance voluntarily chose to disclose…the facts establishing liability.”[151] Such a theory could be employed in the toxic tort arena to shift the burden of proof when the defendant fails to produce sufficient hazardous waste records.

Next, in the wrongful death action of Haft v. Lone Palm Hotel,[152] a father and son drowned at defendant’s motel. The defendant had failed to provide a lifeguard, “a primary requirement” of a state statute.[153] The court noted the plaintiff’s proof problem, stating “the evidentiary void in the instant action results primarily from defendants’ failure to provide a lifeguard to observe occurrences within the pool area.”[154] The court thus shifted the burden of proof regarding drowning causation because requiring “plaintiffs to establish ‘proximate causation’ to a greater certainty…would permit defendants to gain the advantage of the lack of proof inherent in the lifeguardless situation which they have created.” Plaintiffs should argue, and courts should accept, similar reasoning where, because the defendant failed to keep records required by law, the plaintiff cannot show the exposure level defendant created.

The courts have taken steps that can ease the toxic tort plaintiff’s burden of proof. However, such steps must become common among all jurisdictions in order to protect the health of the nation. Additionally, courts could apply the theories expressed in Ybarra and Haft to shift the burden of proof when defendant has failed to maintain records.

IV. Proposal

For at least 20 years, legal commentators, national and state legislators, attorneys, and judges have sought to provide the toxic tort plaintiff a fair solution to its causation challenge. As potential solutions are debated, millions of tons of toxic chemicals continue to spew into the environment, often near someone’s residence. As the need for a solution becomes more urgent, priority should be placed on deterrence of potentially harmful conduct until science can catch up to explain how these harms occur. Secondarily, those who have suffered toxic injuries should be compensated.

Of all the suggested reforms, an express, federal right of action is best suited to deter toxic releases and compensate victims. This paper suggests legislation that contains the following aspects: (1) the plaintiff has a right to sue in federal court for personal injuries sustained as a result of any violation of CERCLA, RCRA or TSCA; (2) the court cannot direct a verdict for the defendant if the plaintiff can show that he was exposed to hazardous waste partially caused by defendant, exposure to this waste can cause injury of the type suffered, and the exposure level would be reasonably likely to contribute to that type of injury; (3) If successful in his lawsuit, the plaintiff is entitled to treble damages.

There are many reasons why the proposed legislation should be federal as opposed to local. First of all, federal legislators have proposed this type of statute for almost 20 years.[155] The main opposition to these proposals is they will cause insurance costs to rise.[156] This argument is a poor reason to threaten the health of the nation. Next, others argue that the states should use their police powers to legislate so that a number of different approaches can be tested and studied.[157] Supporters of federal legislation can counter, arguing that the federal government has already accepted the responsibility to protect the nation through its extensive environmental legislation.

Most importantly, the government should allow the private sector to supplement current federal efforts to contain the proliferation of toxic chemicals in the environment. Though the EPA and the Department of Justice have powerful resources at their command, these resources are insufficient.[158] Allowing private victims to sue will avoid the challenge of using a limited budget to create a bureaucracy to handle a problem of unknown scope. Congress should help the environmental agencies like it helped the federal antitrust agencies in their enforcement efforts when it created an antitrust federal private right of action.[159]

In most ways, the proposal removes many of the plaintiff’s barriers to recovery. However, the CERCLA/RCRA/TSCA provision burdens the plaintiff with another element to his prima facie case. This requirement is important to integrate the federal tort system with the federal hazardous waste regulatory structure. Once the plaintiff proves this requirement, he need not prove negligence because strict liability will apply. Thus the proposal borrows the rationale from the negligence per se doctrine, while simplifying the test.

In order to limit the breadth of the statutory right of action, the plaintiff may only sue for CERCLA, RCRA and TSCA violations. It is common for statutes to limit the types of violations to which the statutory right of action applies.[160]Limiting the right of action to these violations is sensible because most toxic waste releases fall within these statutes. Plaintiffs may complain that the statutes limit their ability to recover for injuries sustained as a result of lawful waste disposal. If necessary, the EPA could remedy these complaints by tightening its own standards. Additionally, if experience shows that the proposed law is limiting plaintiff recoveries resulting from toxics covered by other federal legislation, the right of action could be expanded to allow suit for other federal environmental law violations.

The directed verdict aspect of the proposal builds on repealed Minnesota ‘115B.07’s[161] attempt to prevent directed verdicts. However, it uses the liberal language of the LaFalce bill to determine whether a judge can direct a verdict. To survive a directed verdict, a plaintiff need only show the defendant partially caused the exposure in a reasonably likelyamount that can cause the particular injury. As a result of this new standard, the jury could possibly hear circumstantial scientific testimony that is currently excluded under Daubert.

This standard will permit the jury to make reasonable inferences regarding causation, instead of letting the judge determine the case at early phases of trial. Currently, only 2.8 percent of toxic substance cases reach a jury verdict.[162] Once a toxic substance case reaches the jury, 74% of the verdicts favored the plaintiff, compared to an overall 52% plaintiff success rate.[163] Thus, the new directed verdict standard will likely result in more plaintiff verdicts.

It should be noted that the proposed rule does not change the current causation standard per se. It merely allows the jury to decide the outcome of the case rather than the judge. This is especially important in cases of extreme scientific uncertainty because currently a judge may direct a verdict on the basis that neither the plaintiff’s nor defendant’s expert testimony is scientifically certain. Given that both sides present uncertain scientific testimony, the jury should be able to decide which of the “uncertain” scientific testimony is more credible. Our legal system entrusts the jury, not the judge, with the responsibility to assess the credibility of witnesses. Because the reduced directed verdict standard will prevent the judge from determining the case, the jury will have more power to decide toxic tort personal injury cases.

The treble damage provision borrows from the New Hampshire statute to supply extra deterrence for CERCLA/RCRA/TSCA violators. In the face of such scientific uncertainty, the best way to protect the public health is to deter producers of toxic discharges. Treble damage provisions provide extra deterrence because the defendant will be punished at a level three times greater than the damage he caused. One court has used deterrence as a justification for treble damages, stating, “Congress intended …to impose sanctions to secure the more effective enforcement of antitrust legislation.”[164] Others have reasoned that treble damages are granted because of the public interest of the antitrust laws. The treble damage provision is therefore sensible because the significant public health goals of the environmental laws call for deterrence.

V. CONCLUSION

Toxic tort plaintiffs like the ones in A Civil Action face a very challenging burden when attempting to prove causation of personal injuries. This is because a plaintiff must show by a preponderance of the evidence that he was exposed to a hazardous substance, that the defendant was responsible for the exposure, and that the hazardous substance can and did cause the plaintiff’s injury. Additionally, the courts impose very tight restrictions on expert testimony. Thus the judge may exclude helpful indirect or circumstantial evidence of causation that the jury may have found helpful. At the same time, toxic waste generators continue to spew chemicals into the environment. Accordingly, the rules must be changed.

Though some local jurisdictions provide the plaintiff with helpful rules regarding the burden of proof and permissible inferences, these rules are rare, not widespread. Congress should pick up where it left off in the early 1980’s and enact a law to create a federal private right of action for toxic tort victims. Such legislation would provide added artillery for the enforcement of federal toxic waste laws like CERCLA, RCRA, and TSCA. Additionally, the statute will let most toxic tort cases be resolved by a jury instead of a judge. If Congress passes the proposed legislation, the tragic story of A Civil Action will hopefully become an antiquated account of how life used to be in America.

Endnotes

* Third Year Student, Expected to Graduate in May, 2000 (Submitted for Academic Credit: March, 2000).

1 See, generally, A Civil Action (Paramount Pictures 1999).

2 See Jonathan Harr, A Civil Action 44 (Vintage Books 1996)(hereinafter “Harr”).

3 Id. at 38.

4 See Massachusetts Department of Public Health, Woburn Childhood Leukemia Follow-Up Study (1997).

5 At the time of the lawsuit, the U.S.EPA had listed TCE as a “probable carcinogen” based on animal testing. See Harr at 81.

6 For example, groundwater contamination expert George Pinder, Princeton University Chairman of Engineering, would testify that the TCE in the wells originated from Beatrice and Grace’s properties. Id. at 325. Likewise, geologist John Drobinski, who conducted extensive ground tests in Woburn, concluded that Beatrice’s property was contaminated for at least 25 years. Id. at 299.

7 Schlictmann’s medical experts all concluded that exposure to TCE could cause and did cause the children’s leukemias. Such experts included immunologist Dr. Alan Levin, (believing that exposure to TCE damages plaintiffs’ immune systems) immunopathologist Dr. Robert Colvin, (believing to a reasonable medical certainty that the TCE caused or substantially contributed to immune dysfunction and leukemia) neurologist Robert Feldman, (finding that every plaintiff had a slower than normal functioning of the trigeminal nerve) and Dr. Vera Byers (stating that long term exposure to TCE impaired the plaintiffs’ immune systems). See, generally Harr.

8 Id. at 208.

9 Id. at 209.

10I d. at 392.

11 Plaintiffs’ counsel Charles Nesson believed that a billion dollar verdict was within the realm of possibility. Id. at 251.

12 Id. at 453.

13 See Sheldon M. Novick, Law of Environmental Protection, section 3.07 at 3-49, 3-68 (1999).

14 See Environmental Protection Agency, 1997 Toxics Release Inventory Public Data Release Report .

15 Id. at table 2-4 (entitled ATRI On-Site and Off-Site Releases, by State, 1997). Texas led all states in 1997 with 261 million pounds released, followed by Louisiana with 186 million pounds. Id.

16 See Barry L. Johnson & Christopher T. DeRosa, The Toxicological Hazard of Superfund Hazardous Waste Sites (1997).

17 The Environmental Protection Agency’s estimate is 40,000, whereas the Office of Technology Assessment’s estimate is 440,000. Id.

18 Resource Conservation and Recovery Act, 42 U.S.C.A. sections 6901-6987, 9001-9010 (West 1995).

19 See R. Ruttenberg, et al., Labor Market Study of Hazardous Waste Workers and Associated Emergency Responders (1996).

20 See Johnson.

21 Id.

22 Id.

23 Id. The ATSDR defines an “urgent public health hazard” as a site that poses an urgent risk even if the exposures are short-term, while defining a “public health hazard” as a site that poses a risk if the exposures are long-term. Id.

24 Id.

25 Id. The ATSDR has a five-step method of determining whether the pathway is complete. A pathway is complete if there is a source of pollution (the waste site), an environmental medium of transport (e.g. groundwater), a point of exposure (e.g. a water well), a means of exposure (drinking water) and a receptor population (the community). In the absence of any one of the factors, the pathway is considered incomplete. However, an incomplete pathway can quickly become complete. Id.

26 Id.

27 Id. A “systemic toxic risk” is capable of damaging at least one of the following: the liver, the kidney, the lung, reproduction, the nervous system, the cardiovascular system, the immune system, skin, and the gastrointestinal system (nausea, etc.). Id.

28 Id.

29 Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980, 42 U.S.C.A. section 9601 et seq. (West 1995); RCRA, supra note 18; and Toxic Substances Control Act, 15 U.S.C.A. section 2601 et seq. (West 1997).

30 See Restatement (Second) of Torts, section 821A-D (1977).

31 Id.

32 See Restatement (Second) of Torts, section 822 (1977).

33 See Restatement (Second) of Torts, section 821C (1977). The rule states, “In order to maintain a proceeding to enjoin to abate a public nuisance, one must…have authority as a public official or public agency to represent the state or a political subdivision in the matter.” Id.

34 See Anderson v. W.R. Grace & Co., 628 F. Supp. 1219, 1233 (D.Mass. 1986).

35 99 Cal.Rptr. 350 (Cal. Ct. App.1971).

36 Id. at 356.

37 See Michael C. Skotnicki, Private Actions for Damages Resulting from an Environmental Public Nuisance: Overcoming the Barrier to Standing Posed by the “Special Injury Rule”, 16 Am. J. Trial Advoc. 591, 597 (1992).

38 See Restatement (Second) of Torts, section 821D (1977).

39 See, e.g. Mel Foster Co. Properties, Inc. v. Amoco, 427 N.W.2d 171, 175 (affirming jury diminution in value award for landowner damaged by defendant’s gasoline leakage)(Iowa 1988); Desario v. Industrial Excess Landfill, Inc., 587 N.E.2d 454, 457 (awarding diminution of value damages caused by leaking landfill contaminants in this private nuisance action)(Ohio Ct. App. 1991).

40 525 A.2d 287 (N.J. 1987).

41 Id. at 295.

42 Id. at 292.

43 See Restatement (Second) of Torts section 282 (1965).

44 See, e.g., Sterling v. Velsicol Chem. Corp., 647 F.Supp. 303, 316 (holding that Velsicol breached its duty to protect others from unreasonable harm by dumping harmful chemicals on its farm)(W.D. Tenn. 1986); Knabe v. National Supply Division of Armco Steel Corp., 592 F.2d 841 (5th Cir.1979) (deciding that Armco Steel breached its duty by releasing polluted water into neighboring dairy field); Pitre v. Opelousas Gen. Hosp., 530 So.2d 1151 (holding that defendant breached his duty of care owed to plaintiff) (La.1988).

45 See, e.g. Harr, supra note 2, p. 384. The jury found that the negligence occurred after 1973. This date made the plaintiffs’ pre-1973 evidence irrelevant. Id.

46 See Harr,supra note 2, at 460.

47 503 A.2d 823 (N.H. 1986).

48 Id. at 828.

49 497 A. 2d 1310 (N.J. Super. Ct. Law Div. 1985).

50 Id. at 1324.

51 L.R. 3 H.L. 330.

52 Such factors include (a) existence of a high degree of risk of some harm; (b) likelihood that the harm that results from it will be great; (c) inability to eliminate the risk by the exercise of reasonable care; (d) extent to which the activity is not a matter of common usage; (e) inappropriateness of the activity to the place where it is carried on; and (f) extent to which its value to the community is outweighed by its dangerous attributes. See Restatement (Second) of Torts section 520 (1977).

53 See, e.g. Sterling, supra note 43, at 315 (deciding that “the operation of a toxic waste dump is inherently an abnormally dangerous activity”); Cities Service Co. v. State, 312 So. 2d 799, 803 (ruling that break in dam which impounded phosphate slime constituted a nonnatural use of land such that strict liability applied) (Ct. App. Fl. 1975); Schwartzman, Inc. v. Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Ry. Co., 842 F. Supp. 475, 479 (holding that the storage and disposal of toxic chemical waste poses a serious threat to health such that the defendant is strictly liable for the consequences of the abnormally dangerous activity) (D.N.M. 1993).

54 See, e.g., Erbich Prods. Co. v. Wills, 509 N.E.2d 850, 852 (holding that manufacturer of liquid bleach was not engaged in an ADA because reasonable care would prevent the chlorine exposure) (Ind. Ct. App. 1987); Avemco Insurance Co., Inc. v. Rooto Corp. 967 F.2d 1105, 1108 (deciding that plant owner’s emissions of hydrochloric and sulfuric acid fumes which occurred after former employee unlawfully entered plant and intentionally opened acid storage tanks did not constitute an abnormally dangerous activity) (6th Cir. 1992); Richmond Fredericksburg & Potomac R.R. Co. v. Davis Industries, Inc., 787 F.Supp. 572, 575 (ruling that the manufacture, storage and disposal of air conditioners containing PCBs was not an abnormally dangerous or ultrahazardous activity) (E.D. Va. 1992).

55 “The actor’s negligent conduct is a legal cause of harm to another if…his conduct is a substantial factor in bringing about the harm.” See Restatement (Second) of Torts, section 421(1965). Such a substantial factor is distinguished from a negligible factor. Id. at comment b.

56 For example, the court in Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc., 43 F. 3d 1311 (9th Cir. 1995) states, “In the current state of scientific knowledge…we are ignorant…[However,] causation can be proved even when we don’t know precisely how the damage occurred, if there is sufficiently compelling proof that the agent must have caused the damage somehow.” Id. at 1314.

57 35 F.3d 717 (3d Cir. 1994).

58 Id. at 752.

59 See, e.g. Daigle v. Shell Oil Co. 972 F.2d 1527, 1532 (10th Cir. 1992); Elam v. Alcolac, Inc., 765 S.W. 2d 42 765 S.W. 2d 42 (Mo. App. 1988).

60 See, generally, Harr, supra note 2.

61 See Paoli, at 771.

62 Id. at 778.

63 See Renaud v. Martin Marietta Corp., Inc., 972 F.2d 304, 307 (affirming district court’s grant of defendant’s summary judgment motion on grounds that plaintiff’s exposure model would not support a finding of exposure at sufficient concentration levels) (10th Cir. 1992).

64 See Allen v. Penn. Engineering Corp., 102 F.3d 194, 199 (stating that “[s]cientific knowledge of the harmful level of exposure to a chemical, plus knowledge that the plaintiff was exposed to such quantities, are minimal facts necessary to sustain the plaintiffs’ burden in a toxic tort case.”) (5th Cir. 1996). See also Yeater v. Allied Chem. Co., 755 F.Supp. 1330, 1337-38 (holding that proof of intensity of exposure and concentration of hazardous substance were necessary to show probability of injury) (N.D. W.Va.1991). See, generally, Harr, supra note 2. The Woburn defendants needed to establish when they first became exposed. Id.

65 509 U.S. 579 (1993). The test requires the judge to consider (1) whether the evidence can be, and has been, tested; (2) whether the evidence has been subjected to peer review and publication; (3) to the extent that the evidence involves a particular scientific technique, the known or potential rate of error of the technique and the existence and maintenance of standards controlling the technique’s operation; and (4) the degree of acceptance by the scientific community. Id. at 592-94.

66 See Fed. R. Evid. 702.

67 See, e.g. Renaud (affirming district court’s grant of defendant’s summary judgment motion on grounds that plaintiff’s exposure model would not support a finding of exposure at sufficient concentration levels). But See Curtis v. M&S Petroleum, 174 F.2d 661, 672 (applying Daubert to allow plaintiff’s expert to testify without being able to calculate the precise benzene exposure level) (5th Cir. 1999).

68 See, generally Harr, supra note 2.

69 Id.

70 1995 WL 56862 (4th Cir. Feb. 1, 1995).

71 Id. at *2.

72 846 F. Supp. 1382 (W.D. Mo. 1994).

73 See, e.g. Turpin v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, 959 F.2d 1349 (6th Cir. 1992); Roehling v. National Gypsum Co. Gold Bond Bldg. Prods., 786 F.2d 1225, 1227 (4th Cir. 1986).

74 See Elam, supra note 58, at 59.

75 Such bifurcation occurred in the Woburn case, a result which plaintiff’s counsel Charles Nesson believed to have benefited the defendants. See Harr, supra note 2, at 286-7. In this case, Schlictmann wanted the parents to testify about the extent of their children’s injuries and deaths. Such testimony would have given jurors a more thorough background into the controversy, and also provided circumstantial evidence that an external environmental force was affecting the community’s health. Id.

76 See L. Neal Ellis Jr. and Charles D. Case, Toxic Tort and Hazardous Substance Litigation,108 (Michie Butterworth 1995).

77 Id.

78 See, e.g. Environmental Defense Fund v. Environmental Protection Agency, 636 F.2d 1267, 1271 (noting that the special attention accorded to PCBs in TSCA reflects that PCBs pose a serious threat to human health.) (D.C.Cir. 1980); Curtis, supra note 66, at 669 (allowing plaintiffs’ expert to show general causation by referring to the toxicological profile for benzene, which was published by the U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services and the ATSDR).

79 See, e.g. Paoli, supra note 56, at 780 (stating “in the absence of epidemiologic proof in humans we must drop to our second tier in the understanding of human carcinogenic prediction: Animal testing.”); In re “Agent Orange” Prod. Liability Lit., 611 F.Supp. 1223,1241 (excluding animal studies of Agent Orange based partly on the court’s conclusion that there was significant contrary epidemiological data)(E.D.N.Y. 1985).

80 See Colin Hugh Buckley, A Suggested Remedy for Toxic Injury: Class Actions, Epidemiology, and Economic Efficiency, 26 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 497, 517 (1985).

81 In one case, the plaintiff’s expert exposed pregnant female animals to Bendectin, a suspected teratogen. In excluding the testimony, the court criticized the extrapolation process, stating, “different species of animals react differently to the same stimuli for reasons not entirely understood…[thus] the analytical gap between the evidence presented and the inferences to be drawn is too wide.” See Turpin, supra note 72, at 1359-60. See also Foster, A Case Study in Toxic Tort Causation: Scientific and Legal Standards Work Against Recovery for Victims, 19 Envtl. L. 141, 156 (1988).

82 See Paoli, supra note 56 at 780.

83 Id.

84 Kenneth J. Rothman, Modern Epidemiology 57-62 (1989).

85 See infra note 102.

86 See Rothman, at 37. The formula is generally stated as: (exposed persons with disease)exposed persons without disease))(unexposed persons with disease)unexposed persons without disease).

87 See Daubert, supra note 55, at 1321 (stating that “a relative risk less than 2 may suggest teratogenicity”); Deluca v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc. 911 F.2d 941, 947 (3d Cir. 1990).

88 In fact, over the course of a season, O’Neal averages only 50%.

89 See 45 Fed. Reg. 5,040 (1980).

90 Probabilistic techniques often predict such risks in the form of a symmetric bell-shaped curve. Thus, the confidence interval ranges from 1.5 to 2.5, the expected value lies at 2, the midpoint of the curve.

91 For example, one court hearing a Bendectin products liability case, describes, “the predominating choice of a 95% confidence levelY” See Deluca v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc., 911 F.2d 941, 948 (3d Cir. 1990). See also Ambrosini v. Labarraque, 101 F.3d 129, 136 (validating plaintiff’s epidemiological study based on a 95% confidence interval) (D.C. Cir. 1996).

92 See Paoli, supra note 56, at 736.

93 Id. at 756.

94 Id. at 760. The court analogized plaintiff=s evaluation to a scenario where a patient with a broken arm complains about a biking accident. Id.

95 Id. at 765.

96 See, e.g. O=Conner, v. Commonwealth Edison Co., 13 F.3d 1090, 1106-07 (holding expert=s proof insufficient to show that exposure to radiation specifically caused plaintiff=s cataract because expert had not considered alternate causes) (7th Cir. 1994); Conde v. Velsicol Chemical Corp., 24 F.3d 809, 814 (ruling against plaintiffs causation allegations partially because experts failed to rule out causes other than insecticide exposure to explain plaintiffs= headaches, nausea, and diarrhea) (6th Cir. 1994).

97 174 F.3d 661 (5th Cir. 1999)

98 Id. at 671.

99 See Carroll, supra note 69, at *5 (holding that because physicians= specific causation opinions rested on inadmissible exposure concentration and duration testimony, such opinions were likewise inadmissible).

100 See supra note 85 (description of relative risk formula).

101 The formula is:(risk ratio B 1)_(risk ratio). Thus a risk ratio of 2.0 would yield an ARP of .50.

102 See, e.g. Marder v. G.D. Searle & Co., 630 F.Supp. 1087, 1092 (ruling that an ARP greater than .50 satisfies Athe required legal burden of proofCa showing of causation by the preponderance of the evidence) (D.Md. 1986); Manko v. United States, 830 F.2d 831 (holding that ARP greater than .50 translated into Amore likely than not@ causation proof) (8th Cir. 1987).

103 See Daubert, supra note 55, at 1320 (explaining that California tort law requires proof that the exposure doubled the relative risk).

104 See, e.g. Shelly Brinker, Opening the Door to the Indeterminate Plaintiff: An Analysis of the Causation Barriers Facing Environmental Toxic Tort Plaintiffs, 46 UCLA L. Rev. 1289 (calling for a “substantial-factor” approach to allow for recovery when evidence of causation is less than 50%)(1999); John S. Forstrom, Victim Without a Cause: The Missing Link Between Compensation and Deterrence in Toxic Tort Litigation, 18 Envtl. L. 151 (calling for the creation of an administrative compensation scheme funded by industry or general taxpayers because proof requirements are so burdensome for the plaintiff) (1987); Glen O. Robinson, Probabilistic Causation and Compensation for Tortious Risk, 14 J. Legal Stud. 779 (noting the causation problems the toxic tort plaintiff faces, author suggests an approach in which the plaintiff may seek compensation for bearing an unreasonable risk) (1985).

105 See Harr, supra note 2, at 453.

106 To pay the bills, Schlictmann’s car was repossessed, partners lost deeds to their homes, and the law firm liquidated its retirement plan. Id.

107 After the jury verdict came in, the firm decided a fair settlement with W.R. Grace would be $35 million. The firm ended up settling for $8 million. Id. at 407-8.

108 See Forstrom supra note 103, at 156.

109 Id. at 71.

110 See Brinker, supra note 103 at 1293-4 (citing Council on Environmental Quality report).

111 See Forstrom, at 155. One of the main justifications a statute of limitations generally is the increased difficulty of gathering relevant and accurate evidence as time elapses between the trial and the event. Id.

112 See, generally, Harr, supra note 2.

113 Id. at 460.

114 Robinson, supra note 103, at 784.

115 See, generally, 2 A Legislative History of the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980 (Superfund) Pub. L. 96-510.

116 See 42 U.S.C.A. 9651(e)(1)(“In order to determine the adequacy of existing common law and statutory remedies in providing legal redress for harm to man and the environment caused by the release of hazardous substances into the environment, there shall be submitted to the Congress a study within twelve months of December 11, 1980.)(West. 1995)

117 See Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works, Injuries and Damages from Hazardous Wastes – Analysis and Improvement of Legal Remedies: A Report to Congress in Compliance with Section 301(e) of the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980, Comm. Print No. 97-12, part 1, 97th Cong. 2d Sess. 26 [hereinafter “CERCLA Study”], at 4.

118 See CERCLA Study, at 197-8. See also Id. at 234.

119 Id. at 245.

120 Id. at 213-14. In particular, if the claimant could prove that (1) a “source” produced, disposed or transported hazardous waste, (2) the claimant was exposed to this waste, and (3) the claimant suffered the kind of disease known to result from the exposure, the adjudicative body would grant the claimant the rebuttable presumption that (a) the exposure contributed to the disease and (b) the “source” was responsible for the harm. Id.

121 See, e.g. Forstrom, supra note 103, at 180; Soble, A Proposal for the Administrative Compensation of Victims of Toxic Substance Pollution: A Model Act, 14 Harv. J. on Legis. 683 (1977).

122 See CERCLA Study, supra note 116, at 193.

123 See Forstrom, at 161 (arguing that since the victim does not care who compensates him, only that he is in fact compensated, an administrative compensation scheme would satisfy the needs of the victim).

124 See CERCLA Study at 211.

125 Id. at 200 (noting that the proposed system could unclog the court dockets).

126 Though the study directs these types of plaintiffs to the common law, the common law has been criticized for its high causation barriers.

127 See Theodore L. Garrett, Compensating Victims of Toxic Substances: Issues Concerning Proposed Federal Legislation, 13 Envtl. L. Reporter 10172 (1983).

128 Such a right is necessary because the federal courts have not allowed private rights of action to be implied from federal control legislation. See Middlesex County Sewerage Authority v. Nat’l Sea Clammers Ass’n, 453 U.S. 1 (1981).

129 See H.R. 2330, 98th Congress (1983).

130 See Garrett, at 10176.

131 The court would grant the plaintiff a presumption upon proof that (1) plaintiff was exposed to hazardous waste partially caused by defendant, (2) exposure to this waste can cause injury of the type suffered, and (3) exposure level would be reasonably likely to contribute to that class of injury.

132 Superfund Amendments and Reauthorization Act of 1986 (SARA) Pub. L. No. 99-499, sections 1-531, 100 Stat. 1613-1782 (1986)(codified at 42 U.S.C. sections 9601-9675 (1988)).

133 See H.R. 3852, 99th Cong., 1st Sess.,(1985). Frank’s amendment was defeated by those who felt that the current remedies were sufficient, that such a cause of action would greatly increase insurance premiums, and that the amendment would create excessive federal litigation. See Rory A. Valas, Toxic Palsgraf: Proving Causation When the Link Between Conduct and Injury Appears Highly Extraordinary, 18 B.C. Envtl. Aff. L. Rev. 773, 777 n. 28 (1991).

134 See N.D. Cent. Code section 32-40-06 (Lexis 1999).

135 Pa. Stat. Ann. tit. 35 section 6018.611 (West 1993). The Pennsylvania courts have interpreted the statute to apply only to violations of the Storage Tank and Spill Prevention Act. See Centolanza v. Lehigh Valley Dairies, Inc., 658 A.2d 336 (Pa. 1995)

136 See N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. section 147:58 (Lexis 1999).

137 See Minn. Stat. Ann. section 115B.05(1)(b)(West 1997).

138 The court may not direct a verdict against a plaintiff on the issue on causation if the plaintiff produces evidence sufficient to enable a reasonable person to find that (a) defendant is the person responsible for the release, (b) plaintiff was exposed to a hazardous substance, (c) the release could reasonably have resulted in plaintiff’s exposure to the substance in the amount and duration experienced by the plaintiff, and (d) the type of injury is caused or significantly caused by exposure to the hazardous substance in an amount and duration experienced by the plaintiff. Additionally, evidence to a reasonable medical certainty that the exposure caused or significantly contributed to the injury is not required for the issue to go to the jury. See 1983 Minn. Laws ch. 121, section 7. One commentator believes the statute amounts to a substantial factor test. See Prince, Compensation for Victims, 11 Wm. Mitchell L. Rev. 657,691 (1985). However, it is clear that the legislature intended to lower the causation hurdle for the plaintiff.

139 Clayton Act, section 4 states, “any person who shall be injured…by reason of anything forbidden in the antitrust laws…shall recover threefold the damages by him sustained.” See 15 U.S.C.A section 15 (1997).

140 See Blue Shield v. McCready, 457 U.S. 465 (stating, “Congress sought to create a private enforcement mechanism that would deter violators and deprive them of the fruits of their illegal actions, and would provide ample compensation to the victims of antitrust violations.”) (1982).

141 588 F. Supp. 247 (D. Utah 1984).

142 Id. at 415.

143 Id.

144 See Brinker, supra note 103, at 1322.

145 The plaintiffs’ argument was rejected in Renaud v. Martin Marietta Corp. 749 F. Supp. 1545, 1552 (D. Colo. 1990).

146 65 S.W. 2d 42 (Mo. App. 1988).

147 Id. at 176.

148 Id. at 177.

149 154 P.2d 687 (Cal. 1944).

150 Id.

151 Id. at 689.

152 478 P.2d 465 (Cal. 1970)

153 Id. at 472.

154 Id. at 474.

155 See supra notes 127-132.

156 See supra note 132.

157 See Garrett, supra note 126, at 10175.

158 Between 1,500 and 3,500 of the sites covered by the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act (“RCRA”) require corrective action. There are an estimated 40,000 to 440,000 uncontrolled hazardous sites in the U.S., whereas CERCLA only authorizes cleanup for 1,296 of these sites. See, generally, supra notes 17-20.

159 The Antitrust Division and the Federal Trade Commission have limited resources, allowing them to bring perhaps 100 to 150 cases even in well-funded years. See Handler, Milton et al., Trade Regulation: Cases and Materials (4th ed.) (Foundation Press 1997) However, because the Clayton Act enables private citizens to receive treble damages for injuries resulting from for antitrust violations, private citizens have filled the void. For example, the ratio of private actions to public actions was 20 to 1 in the 1970’s. In the 1980’s, the ratio was 10 to 1. See Commentary by Salop & White, in White (ed.), Private Antitrust Litigation: New Evidence, New Learning 3 (1988).

160 For example, the Clayton Act section 4 lets the plaintiff sue under the section for violations of the Sherman Act, Clayton Act, section 2 of the Robinson-Patman Act, and part of the Wilson Tariff Act. See American Bar Association Section of Antitrust Law, Antitrust Law Developments (4th Ed. 1997) 759. Additionally, the Pennsylvania courts have interpreted its strict liability hazardous waste statute to apply only to violations of the Storage Tank and Spill Prevention Act. See supra note 134.

161 See supra note 136.

162 See U.S. Dept. of Justice, Civil Jury Cases and Verdicts in Large Counties (1995) <http://www.ncjrs.org/txtfiles/cjcavilc.txt>.

163 Id.

164 Trebuhs Realty Co., Inc. v. News Syndicate Co., Inc. 107 F. Supp. 595, 599 (S.D.N.Y. 1952).

165 E. Compton Timberlake, Federal Treble Damage Antitrust Actions (Callaghan 1965) 10.

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