Many Americans consider lawns synonymous with success

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The American Lawn and De-Colonizing the Permaculture Movement

By Abigail Bailey, Staff Editor for the Vermont Journal of Environmental Law

April 4, 2023

Many Americans consider lawns synonymous with success, comfort, and community. (1) They have often become ubiquitous, perhaps without due consideration. (2) Neat lawns are enforced in a variety of ways, including zoning codes and home-owners associations. (3) Nonetheless, they cause a great deal of environmental problems, including “dramatic potable water consumption, high energy costs from water use, increased water and air pollution, and loss of biodiversity.” (4)  

Luckily, awareness of lawns’ negative impact is on the rise. (5) One facet of response is to reform Homeowners’ agreements and zoning codes. Another is participating in the growing permaculture movement. As with any change, not all people experience this progress in the same way. While it promises an idyllic solution to a portion of our current environmental challenges, the permaculture movement causes a rift in our culture. The rift must be overcome if we are to move forward. 

 

The permaculture movement involves working with the land and pre-existing ecosystems to increase biodiversity, productivity, and environmental wellness. (6) Many have hailed this movement as a potential savior of much of America’s land, as lawns are currently the country’s biggest irrigated crop. (7) Unfortunately, the movement also causes a greater socioeconomic rift between people who have the luxury to take advantage of the publicized, commercialized version of the movement and those who either find its tenets self-evident or will not have the luxury to invest in the solution. (8) Instead of a constructive improvement on a common way of life, traditional knowledge has sometimes been appropriated for capital and used to justify buying more high-value land. (9) Some go so far as to say the movement “demoniz[es] small peasant [farmers]” (10) as it extolls those who will pay for the solution. (11)   

One solution to this rift is to consider the possible colonizing effects of a permaculture movement within the current economic structure and adapt to minimize them. For example, people can offer permaculture knowledge freely instead of charging large fees. They can give proper deference to cultural knowledge they draw from, instead of presenting the information as purely their own.  

 

Another constructive solution is to give more people the option of improving their existing situation by removing legal barriers. There is growing support for lawn rewilding, (12) and legally binding zoning ordinances and homeowners’ associations rules will likely follow suit. Either communities can advocate with their municipalities to change the prevailing zoning laws, or individuals can apply for variances or conditional use permits to alter their own properties. (13) Homeowners’ associations often make their rules at will and can change their lawn requirements by vote. (14) General availability of knowledge related to permaculture and rewilding, combined with the freedom to carry out a project, could have a major impact on the American landscape and biodiversity. 

There are obstacles to overcoming the mythos of the American lawn, beyond the immediate legal obstacles. The rift in socioeconomic status related to lawns is also related to the American Dream mythos, and the idea of success, and homeownership. (15) There are huge racial disparities in American homeownership and access to lawns. (16) Destroying lawns lowers property value in a neighborhood, no doubt because of prevailing biases and ideas. (17)                                                                    

Following World War II, the federal government allocated funding to help veterans and families achieve homeownership. (18) These policies were deeply discriminatory in implementation, for the most part benefitting only white families. (19) The lawn was quickly adapted as a symbol of power and freedom from either the monochrome of the city or the dirt and crops of agrarian homes. (20) Lawns of plants grown for no reason besides beauty and sport had been a European power symbol even back to medieval castles, and were modernized into a common feature of many American lawns as a show of abundance. (21) The history of lawns shows the roots of ties between the value increase they confer on a property (22) and racial bias. 

People without lawns of their own can participate in so-called “guerrilla permaculture.” (23) This term is loosely defined, but generally entails the pursuit of alternative gardening for nourishment and reclamation of unused land, for example by using “seed bombs” (24) on empty lots. (25) It sometimes intends to disrupt the concept of land ownership entirely. (26)

Attempting to align landowners with lawns and people without access to gardens (and perhaps an intent to disrupt land ownership altogether) muddies the waters of permaculture. Cultural divides are not easily overcome, even in pursuit of a solution to a major environmental issue. The permaculture movement bears many loose definitions and associations. Still, the basics of the idea may appeal to everyone if they are made legally accessible and convenient. If all participants proceed with caution and communication, permaculture and rewilding may be made more broadly accessible, with benefits for all participants.  

 

Citations

  1. Sarah B. Schindler, Banning Lawns, 82 GEO. WASH. L. REV. 394, 403-405 (2014). Available at: http://digitalcommons.mainelaw.maine.edu/faculty-publications/68.
  2. Id. at 394, 403-405.
  3. Id. at 434-436.
  4. Id. at 406.
  5. Krystal D’Costa, The American Obsession with Lawns, SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN, (May 3, 2017) https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/anthropology-in-practice/the-american-obsession-with-lawns/.
  6. Amy, What is Permaculture? Designing a Resilient Garden, TENTH ACRE FARM PERMACULTURE FOR THE SUBURBS, (Feb. 9, 2023) https://www.tenthacrefarm.com/what-is-permaculture/.
  7. Schindler, supra note 1, at 394.
  8. Jesse Watson, Decolonizing Permaculture, RESILIENCE (February 19, 2016) https://www.resilience.org/stories/2016-02-19/decolonizing-permaculture/.
  9. Id.; See also Tobias Roberts, How to Decolonize the Permaculture Movement, HUFFINGTON POST, (Jan. 31, 2017, Updated Jan. 31, 2018) https://www.huffpost.com/entry/how-to-decolonize-the-per_b_14501784.
  10. Id.
  11. Id.                                                                                                                            
  12. D’Costa, supra, note 5.
  13. Zoning Changes, Variances, and More, FINDLAW.COM (Sept. 6, 2018) https://www.findlaw.com/realestate/land-use-laws/zoning-changes-variances-and-more.html.
  14. How to Change HOA Bylaws, Covenants, and Rules, HOA MANAGEMENT, https://www.hoamanagement.com/how-to-change-hoa-bylaws/.
  15. Schindler, supra note 1, at 403-405; See also D’Costa, supra, note 5.
  16. Brandi Snowden and Nadia Evangelou, Racial Disparities in Homeownership Rates, NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS (March 3, 2022) https://www.nar.realtor/blogs/economists-outlook/racial-disparities-in-homeownership-rates.
  17. Schindler, supra note 1, at 419.
  18. How the Perfect Lawn Became a Symbol of the American Dream, HISTORY, https://www.history.com/news/lawn-mower-grass-american-dream (last visited Mar. 27, 2023).
  19. Id.
  20. Id.
  21. Id.
  22. Does Lawn Care Affect Your Property Value?, LAWN STARTER, https://www.lawnstarter.com/blog/lawn-care-industry/lawns-appearance-affect-property-value/ (last visited Mar. 27, 2023).
  23. Mickey Angel, Guerilla Permaculture: A Look at Unstoppable Alternative Food Ecologies, NUTRITIONALADVERSITY.COM (July 11, 2020) https://nutritionaldiversity.com/guerrilla-permaculture/.
  24. How to Make a Seed Bomb, THE WILDLIFE TRUSTS, https://www.wildlifetrusts.org/actions/how-make-seed-bomb
  25. Id.; See also Guerilla Permaculture, supra note 17.
  26. Angel, supra note 23.
Increases in storm frequency

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The Next Atlantis: Climate Justice in the Pacific Islands

By Hope McLellan-Brandt, Staff Editor for the Vermont Journal of Environmental Law

April 2, 2023

The truth of climate change becomes more prevalent every year, particularly in the Pacific Islands, where increases in storm frequency and severity, along with sea level rise, puts the Pacific Islands at greater risk than the developed world. Waves constantly wash over low-lying islands in the Pacific, damaging crops and groundwater supplies. A recent study shows that the repeated damage due to climate change could render many Pacific Islands uninhabitable as early as 2030. Whole island nations are facing erasure, while industrialized countries reap all the benefits of high carbon emitting activities. For small island states, like the Republic of Palau, the climate crisis is personal. People living in Palau deal with the reality of climate change on a daily basis. In an interview, former President Tommy Remengesau Jr. described his own experiences in using sandbags to prevent the sea level rise from washing away his home. He goes on to explain that sea level rise affects more than just homes; the salt water from the ocean has inundated farms and plantations. Once the soil has been inundated with salt water, the soil is often no longer arable. In addition to sea level rise, ocean acidification greatly affects islands like Palau. The acidification causes coral bleaching, which can affect the fishing environment. Coral cover plays a vital role in determining the overall health of a coral ecosystem. Coral “[r]eefs provide home and shelter to over 25 percent of fish in the ocean and up to 2 million marine species.” This has overarching effects on the people in Palau because fishing plays a key role in Palauan culture as not only sport fishing but sustenance fishing, meaning that climate change not only effects the structures on the island, but many of the aspects central to their culture and survival.

 

As one can expect, because of the severe effects of climate change in Pacific Islands, Island leaders have tried to be a strong voice in international climate debates. But, despite their efforts, they remain unheard by industrialized nations who have the most power to influence change. However, not all is lost. Over the last year, there have been a series of pushes from the small island states and other climate vulnerable nations to take a legal approach to encouraging international action. Vanuatu, another Pacific Island, has proposed an initiative to request an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to “issue an opinion on the obligations countries have to protect the rights of present and future generations from the harmful impacts of climate change.” In its efforts to obtain the opinion, Vanuatu has been gathering support to try and compel the ICJ to issue an advisory opinion. An ICJ advisory opinion is not binding, but it can help hold nations accountable for protecting human rights as they relate to climate change. And, as conditions worsen, it becomes increasingly essential that there be some mechanism by which small island states can hold large nations accountable for the actions they take that exacerbate climate change. As of March 1, 2023, there are 105 co-sponsors for the United Nations (UN) Climate Justice Resolution. Currently, the resolution is expected to be adopted by the UN General Assembly in late March or early April. A favorable ICJ advisory opinion would be essential for future climate debates. For more information about that resolution, and to follow recent updates, please visit this link.

 

The issues surrounding climate change in the Pacific Islands are prime examples of how environmental injustice plays out on an international scale. People living in the Pacific Islands are routinely ignored in international debates, their cries for help stretching across decades of debate in the international community. But, individuals from wealthier, higher polluting countries turn a blind eye to the harm that occurs in developing nations on a daily basis because for nations relatively unaffected by climate change, the harm felt by climate change is easy to ignore. To quote a song written by an artist in Vanuatu: 

 

“What does it take for you to see 

 

Lives are being lost 

 

With all the storms raging, corals dying, ocean levels rising 

 

It’s a threat to our human rights.”  

 

People living in the Pacific Islands do not have time to wait. Action needs to happen now. Voices in the Pacific need to be heard before it is too late, and the beautiful culture and humanity of the Pacific become the next Atlantis, islands lost to time.

Despite their crowded streets

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Tackling Food Insecurity in Urban Food Deserts: A Legal Toolkit

By Colleen McGrath, Juris Doctor Candidate (VLGS ’23) and Staff Editor for the Vermont Journal of Environmental Law

April 10, 2022

Despite their crowded streets, the Bronx, Brooklyn, Newark, Chicago, and other large urban communities are often considered food deserts. Food deserts are regions of food insecurity where healthy, fresh groceries are virtually inaccessible. Food deserts are typically marked by low income, lack of access to adequate public transportation, or simply lack of choice in the area. Food insecurity already impacted nearly 11% of Americans in 2019 before the COVID-19 pandemic hit. Statistics also showed that food deserts disproportionately impacted communities of color during the same period. In 2019, about 8.1% of white individuals experienced food insecurity in their communities. In comparison, Latino individuals experienced food insecurity at a rate of 15.8% Black individuals at 19.3%, and Indigenous individuals at 23.5%. By the end of 2020, Black households were experiencing food insecurity at a rate of 21.7% and Latino households at a rate of 17.2%. On the other hand, white households reported experiencing food insecurity at a rate of just over 7%. Researchers have observed that “food insecurity is experienced in greater proportion by these racial and ethnic groups due to a number of factors — a key one being structural racism.” Delays, supply chain problems, and limited labor have also led to problems in quality control, making nutritious options that much tougher to come by on a regular basis. So how can communities take on food insecurity made worse by the onset of COVID-19 without the help of chain grocery stores?

Zoning Laws

A potential solution to food insecurity in urban spaces that is gaining some attention is amending zoning laws and regulations to make local agriculture more accessible. Zoning ordinances can be confusing, and often mention terms that do not have a clear vernacular equivalent. Towns can amend zoning ordinances and regulations to use clearer terminology that explicitly authorizes urban agricultural uses. This change can bring fresh fruits and vegetables to the community, from the community. Similar changes might include language that explicitly allows farmers markets and produce vendors to set up stands in public spaces, or language that allows for larger-scale agricultural projects in community gardens.

The Healthy Food Policy Project created guidelines to assist communities in drafting definition sections of zoning laws to make them clearer and easier to understand in order to increase access to healthful foods in areas impacted by food insecurity. The guidelines suggest drafting strategies to simplify interpreting zoning requirements, like including examples of permitted practices or burying the meaning of a word in the operative language instead of separating the term and its definition. These changes make it easier for communities to understand and comply with zoning laws while bringing gardens and urban agricultural centers to the community with greater confidence.

Subsidize Healthier Choices and Incentivize Eating Well

Another study suggests that two-thirds of households using Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits bought a greater variety of healthy fruits and vegetables while testing an incentive program aimed at eliminating food insecurity. During a test run of the Healthy Incentive Pilot (HIP), the USDA offered participants who used SNAP benefits an incentive of 30 cents per dollar spent on targeted fresh fruits and vegetables. Researchers reported inspiring results, households increased SNAP spending on fresh fruits and vegetables by an average of 11% which led to an increased Healthy Eating Index rating, ranging from 57/100 to 62/100. Perhaps most importantly, 75% of households felt healthy fruits and vegetables were more accessible and affordable as a result of the HIP incentive. One of the greatest challenges of increasing food security is encouraging communities to regularly purchase and seek out healthy foods in their own neighborhoods. Incentives like those tested here would certainly get many households on the right path.

 

Incentive programs have the potential to impact food insecurity much faster than other options. Programs like HIP immediately give families more money to spend on healthful foods and make fruits and vegetables affordable. An incentive or subsidy program could also be implemented without the cooperation or contribution from grocery stores themselves if suppliers of healthier foods are reluctant to open a location in a food desert. By handling the issue from an economic standpoint, households would still pay the same price to vendors or stores, but with help with financing instead of just options. While this is not a terribly optimistic option, it is realistic given the lack of enthusiasm from larger companies and retail stores to open a location in areas where poverty and food insecurity affect families the most.

Utilize School Meal Programs 

When healthy options are not just too expensive but too scarce, communities could tackle food insecurity in public schools. By making an effort to offer healthy options to students receiving free meals at schools, especially during a health crisis like COVID-19, students can learn at an early age to value and prioritize eating well. A case study of four large, urban high schools in Chicago, Los Angeles, Houston, and New York looked at public schools’ responses to emergencies and how they provided students with healthy meals during a crisis. At the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in March of 2020, Congress authorized the distribution of federal relief packages to schools that provided meals for students experiencing food insecurity. The USDA supplemented these efforts, granting waivers to aid schools in providing food options like extended food service hours, takeout meals, and allowing parents to come to pick up meals without their children with them. Efforts like these yielded a noteworthy increase in healthy foods available and consumed by students attending these schools. This trend continued even after classes were moved online during the pandemic. The study also showed that schools that allowed adults and children to pick up food and schools that made meals with dietary restrictions in mind were hugely beneficial to students who would otherwise be considered food insecure.

Even as the COVID-19 pandemic evolves and schools start to get a handle on managing classes and events with students’ health in mind, it should be clear that food insecurity is always a health concern. School lunch programs like those implemented during the pandemic can continue in areas where food insecurity remains high due to factors other than those related to COVID-19 alone. 

Looking Ahead

The COVID-19 epidemic has prompted widespread concern for health and community wellness and specifically highlighted food security concerns. The pandemic exacerbated issues of poverty and environmental injustice. But that might ultimately draw enough attention to encourage work toward meaningful solutions to these ongoing injustices. Local, small-scale changes like allowing consistent agricultural activity in urban areas (by amending zoning regulations) or encouraging subsidy programs to help schools in food deserts revitalize the community could have a huge impact on food insecurity in the United States. If big businesses and chain stores are reluctant to enter areas with high rates of food insecurity, it is still possible for community members to utilize legal tools to make their neighborhoods healthier places to live.

 

Citations

  1. Paula Dutko et al., Characteristics and Influential Factors of Food Deserts, USDA 2 (2012), https://www.ers.usda.gov/webdocs/publications/45014/30940_err140.pdf.
  2. Id.
  3. Id.
  4. Monica Hake et al., The Impact of Coronavirus on Food Insecurity in 2020 & 2021, Feeding America 2 (2021), https://www.feedingamerica.org/sites/default/files/2021-03/National%20Projections%20Brief_3.9.2021_0.pdf
  5. Alisha Coleman-Jensen, et al., Household Food Security in the United States in 2020, ERR-298, USDA Economic Research Service, Table 2 (2021), https://www.ers.usda.gov/webdocs/publications/102076/err-298.pdf?v=7508.8
  6. Hake, supra note 3. 
  7. Niyati Parekh, Food Insecurity among Households with Children during the COVID-19 Pandemic: Results from a Study among Social Media Users across the U.S., 20 NUTRITION J. 1, 2 (2021), https://nutritionj.biomedcentral.com/track/pdf/10.1186/s12937-021-00732-2.pdf
  8. Anne Olson, Using Zoning to Help Eliminate Food Deserts: A Few Steps Forward, GREEN LAW, (Apr. 12, 2021), https://greenlaw.blogs.pace.edu/2021/04/12/using-zoning-to-help-eliminate-food-deserts-a-few-steps-forward/
  9. Id. 
  10. The Healthy Food Policy Project, Drafting Definitions in Local Healthy Food Access Policies, https://healthyfoodpolicyproject.org/drafting-definitions (last visited Mar. 9, 2022). 
  11. Id. 
  12. USDA Food and Nutrition, Off. of Pol’y Support, Evaluation of the Healthy Incentives Pilot (HIP) Final Report—Summary (2014), https://fns-prod.azureedge.net/sites/default/files/ops/HIP-Final-Summary.pdf
  13. Id. 
  14. Id. 
  15. Id. 
  16. Gabriella M. McCloughlin, et al., Addressing Food Insecurity through a Healthy Equity Lens: A Case Study of Large Urban School Districts during the COVID-19 Pandemic, 97 J. URB. HEALTH 759, 759-60 (2020), https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11524-020-00476-0
  17. Id.
  18. Id. 
  19. Id.
  20. Id.
  21. Id.
  22. Id.
CAFOs compose most industrial-scale farms. These farms house thousands of animals with minimal safety and sanitary protections. But

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Fighting Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations: The Power of Nuisance and Grassroot Movements

By Amanda Di Dio, Juris Doctor Candidate (VLGS ’23) and Staff Editor for the Vermont Journal of Environmental Law

April 8, 2022

Today, Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations (CAFOs) compose most industrial-scale animal farms. (1)  These farms often house thousands of animals in close quarters with minimal safety and sanitary protections. (2)  The waste created by the animals who live in CAFOs can contain heavy metals, pathogens, and antibiotic-resistant bacteria. (3) One way of managing this waste is to spray the waste over fields. (4) Although this practice can mitigate the harm CAFO waste has on the soil, the same procedure creates a myriad of health and justice issues. 

 

Spraying this waste creates plumes of foul-smelling, potentially toxic waste to permeate into the area’s homes, water sources, and soil. (5) These plumes have been linked to respiratory ailments, mucosal irritation, and decreased quality of life. (6) Additionally, these issues often disproportionately affect low-income, minority populations. (7) 

 

One example of this is North Carolina. (8) Here, most CAFOs are in the state’s eastern region, an area predominantly occupied by people of color. (9) The local government determines the location of CAFOs via a permitting process. (10)  Placing CAFOs in locations that disproportionately affect people of color is likely intentional. CAFOs were in this region because the government and industry followed the “path of least resistance.” (11) In short, the local government of North Carolina chose to place the CAFOs here because people of color and those in poverty are often the least likely population to be able to resist. (12)

 

North Carolina was wrong. In a recent Supreme Court case, McKiver v Murphy-Brown, residents who were being disproportionately affected brought a nuisance case against select CAFOs. (13) A nuisance exists when an individual’s actions threaten another enjoyment of their property and or the peace of an area through repeated acts. (14) Here, the residents here used NC’s nuisance laws to seek relief from CAFOs’ odors, pests, and noises. (15)  Ultimately the court held in favor of the residents and ordered the CAFO to pay $75,000 in compensatory damages to each plaintiff and $5 million in punitive damages. (16) Although this outcome did little to remedy the harm the CAFO is causing, the case opened the door to holding CAFOs accountable. (17) 

 

One major obstacle to bringing suits against CAFOs is Right to Farm Laws. Right to farm laws generally grants statutory protection against nuisance suits to CAFOs. (18) In Mckiver, the Right to Farm law was inapplicable because the nuisance had begun before the law’s passage, and the Court held the law did not apply retroactively. (19) Because of these laws, the environmental harms are increasingly being externalized to the U.S. taxpayer—specifically in rural neighborhoods. (20) The arrival of CAFOs in rural communities is consistently impacting the animals, environment, local economies, and even property values of low-income minority regions. (21)  

 

There is, however, hope. In North Carolina, two grass-root movements are challenging NC’s Fight to Farm Law: NC Environmental Justice Network (NCEJN) and Rural Empowerment Association for Community Help (REACH). (22) These organizations are working on a state level to challenge the constitutionality of Right to Farm Laws. (23) These organizations are working with the Senators and Representatives to introduce the Farm Systems Reform Act on a federal level. (24)

 

The Farm Systems Reform Act would set aside $100 billion to help industrial animal farmers voluntarily phase out CAFOs by 2040. (25) The bill has strong grassroots support for national-scale action against CAFOs. (26) If this bill passes, cases like McKiver might become less an exception and more of a norm. Fighting CAFOs’ environmental and social impacts on local communities is essential for building a more just world.

 

Citations

  1. Nichole Wendee, CAFOs and Environmental Justice: The Case of North Carolina, 121(6) ENV’T HEALTH PERSP. 182, 183. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3672924/
  2. Id. 
  3. Id.
  4. Id.
  5. Id.
  6. Id.
  7. Id.
  8. See McKiver v. Murphy-Brown 980 F.3d 937. https://casetext.com/case/mckiver-v-murphy-brown-llc-6
  9. Id.
  10. N.C.G.S.A. § 143-215.10C https://www.ncleg.gov/EnactedLegislation/Statutes/PDF/BySection/Chapter_143/GS_143-215.10C.pdf.
  11. Wendee at 183.
  12. Id.
  13. See McKiver at 946.
  14. N.C.G.S.A. § 19-1 https://www.ncleg.net/EnactedLegislation/Statutes/PDF/ByArticle/Chapter_19/Article_1.pdf.
  15. Id.
  16. Id.
  17. See Randall Abate, Anthropocene Accountability Litigation: Confronting Common Enemies to Promote a Just Transition, 46 Colum. J. Envtl. L. 225, 261 (2021).
  18. § 106-702. Limitations on private nuisance actions against agricultural and forestry operations. https://www.ncleg.gov/EnactedLegislation/Statutes/PDF/BySection/Chapter_106/GS_106-702.pdf
  19. McKiver at 955.
  20. https://straydoginstitute.org/the-growing-movement-to-stop-cafos/
  21. Id.
  22. Id.
  23. Id.
  24. Id.; Farm Systems Reform Act.
  25. https://straydoginstitute.org/the-growing-movement-to-stop-cafos/
  26. Id.
Gender equality is worsened by climate change. Yet climate change does not discriminate—people do.

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The Future is ___: Gender Inclusion in Climate Crisis Solutions

By Beckett McGowan, Juris Doctor Candidate (VLGS ’23), Staff Editor for the Vermont Journal of Environmental Law

April 7, 2022

Climate Change is the great exasperator. Countless research has warned of the climate catastrophe that will happen if anthropogenic carbon emissions continue to rise: sea-level rise will accelerate, tropical storms will occur in greater number with greater severity, and droughts will grow harsher and longer. (1) However, natural disasters are not the only thing exasperated by Climate Change. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has warned that Climate Change could contribute to human conflicts. (2) However, wars over natural resources are not the only forms of conflict that will be fueled by Climate Change. Social divisions will also be compounded by the effects of Climate Change, as the crisis worsens.

 

One key social issue that is worsened by Climate Change is gender inequality.  The impact of climate-driven conflict is not distributed equally along gender lines. (3) Women and LGBT individuals “face higher risks and greater burdens from the impacts of climate change in situations of poverty.” (4) For example, after climate disasters, women have a higher mortality rate, which occurs in part because women are “responsible for vulnerable populations like women or children during the disasters.” (5) Additionally, incidents of gender violence (including homophobic and transphobic incidents) increase after people are displaced from disasters. (6) Natural disasters fueled by Climate Change expose individuals to harm from both the natural disaster and from gender discrimination as well. 

 

Women and members of the LGBT community cannot be left behind as the world struggles with and adapts to Climate Change. In fact, Women and LGBT individuals actively participate in grassroots movements, such as environmental justice and climate justice, to avoid being left behind. For instance, women make up 90 percent of environmental justice movement organizations. (7) Women of color especially have been instrumental in the early days of the environmental justice movement since they brought experience from the Civil Rights Movement. (8) LGBT activists groups have been active in environmental and climate justice movements as well. Several LGBT groups signed on to the Group of Ten Letter in the 1990s that criticized mainstream environmental groups for their lack of inclusivity. (9) Additionally, there are a growing number of LGBT groups that are dedicated towards climate justice. (10) These efforts show that women and LGBT individuals are active in fighting against the impact that climate change has on both the environment and themselves.

 

While Climate Change does not discriminate when it comes to its impact, people do. Often, women and LGBT individuals are left to fend for themselves when climate disasters wreak havoc on their communities. However, it should not be their responsibility alone to make sure that they are accounted for in Climate Change solutions. If humans expect to survive the climate crisis, then everyone needs to be involved in the decision-making process and be able to reap its rewards.

 

 

Citations

  1. See e.g. Alice C. Hill, et al., A World Overheating, COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Oct. 18, 2021, https://www.cfr.org/article/climate-change-world-overheating-how-countries-adapt-extreme-temperature?gclid=CjwKCAiA4KaRBhBdEiwAZi1zznnr6u_8p1evOyqqNLqGMekDyOq4hf0E8RChwSmOV4nx30hJbfJ5lhoCF4cQAvD_BwE.
  2. Vally Koubi, Climate Change and Conflict, 22 Annual Review of Political Science, 343, 343 (2019). 
  3. Rebecca Pearse, Gender and climate change, 8 WIRES CLIMATE CHANGE, 1, 1 (2017) (“climate change could become a major contributing factor to conflicts by exacerbating the scarcity of important natural resources”). 
  4. UNFCCC, Introduction to Gender and Climate Change, https://unfccc.int/gender (last visited Mar. 11, 2022); see generally G. Gaard, Feminism and Env’t Justice, HANDBOOK OF ENV’T JUSTICE (2017).
  5. Beckett McGowan, Env’t Sexism: Another Lens for Env’t Justice (2021) (on file with author); see generally Gaard, supra note 4.  
  6. See M.P. Anastario, et. al., Using Mental Health Indicators to Identify Postdisaster Gender-based Violence among Women Displaced by Hurricane Katrina, 9 J. OF WOMEN’S HEALTH, 1437. 
  7. N Unger, The Role of Gender in Env’t Justice, ENV’T JUSTICE, 1, 115 (2008). 
  8. See S. Rainey & G. Johnson, Grassroots Activism: An exploration of women of color’s role in the environmental justice movement, 16 GENDER AND CLASS, (2009). 
  9. Gaard, supra note 4. 
  10. See id. (listing grassroots organizations, including: the Trans and Woman’s Action Camp (TWAC), Out4Sustainability, Lesbian Rangers, and queer food and farmer movements). 

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Unweighted Cost-Benefit Analysis Under Arbitrariness: Environmental Justice Principles

By Jorge Roman-Romero & Mariana Muñoz*

April 24, 2021

 

Formal cost-benefit analysis (CBA) is a regulatory tool that monetizes the cost of environmental compliance–and its derivative economic costs–and the environmental and public health benefits of regulatory alternatives to guide environmental decision-making. CBA, as an informational tool, can influence environmental policy directly when used determinatively by agencies to promulgate environmental and public health risk regulations, or indirectly by justifying regulatory decisions through non-determinative (but highly influential) regulatory impact analyses. 

 

For either purpose, the current methodology of CBA lacks distributional weighting, i.e., it ignores equity-based granularities among stakeholders that would better inform policy makers. In other words, the question of who benefits and who is burdened from a decision to regulate (and how) or not is not answered by an unweighted CBA. As the Environmental Justice (EJ) movement continues to gain momentum, whether an informational tool that is insensitive to distributional equities is consistent with principles of reasoned decision making and environmental justice remains to be carefully examined. 

 

A. Views on Unweighted CBA

 

CBA is rooted in the normative framework of welfare economics that dictates resources ought to be allocated efficiently to maximize the overall welfare (or utility) of society. Whether in the form of a regulatory action, deregulatory action, or no action, an agency acts pursuant to that maxim if the benefits exceed the costs of the regulatory decision. Thus, agencies use CBA to identify the regulatory alternative that yields the wider margin of net benefits and, once the alternative is selected, to justify the course of action as one having the most utility-maximizing impacts. Unweighted CBA does not account for distributional weights, i.e. the background economic information of the stakeholders in question. Accordingly, $1,000 of utility in not bearing a compliance cost—a cost bore by corporate persons—is equivalent to $1,000 of utility in not bearing higher health risks associated with air pollution—a cost bore disproportionately by low-income and people of color. While CBA advocates claim that the use of CBA as currently utilized by regulatory agencies in the United States “enhance[s] the effectiveness of environmental policy decisions by providing policy makers and the public with information needed to systematically assess the likely consequences of various actions or options ,” many critics worry that ignoring distributional effects can result in the exclusion of important regulatory benefits that would otherwise accrue disproportionately to people in need of environmental justice .

 

While the Biden Administration has confirmed support of CBA as a regulatory policy-making tool, the Administration seems to disfavor an unweighted analysis. On January 20, 2021, the Biden Administration signed an Executive Memorandum directing a review of CBA methodologies. The order directs the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), in consultation with federal agencies and departments, to “propose procedures that take into account the distributional consequences of regulations, including as part of any quantitative or qualitative analysis of the costs and benefits of regulations, to ensure that regulatory initiatives appropriately benefit and do not inappropriately burden disadvantaged, vulnerable, or marginalized communities .” Thus, providing the agency with a different approach to the use and role of CBA and regulation .

 

 

 

B. Unweighted CBA Against Principles of Reasoned Decision-Making and Environmental Justice 

 

The principles of reasoned decision-making and environmental justice caution against unweighted CBA. Irrespective of the level of deference afforded to agencies, they are generally limited by administrative principles of reasoned decision-making. For instance, the APA provides that courts must set aside “agency action[s] . . . . found to be arbitrary [and] capricious.” Therefore, when an agency acts in its area of expertise, the scope of review “is narrow” and courts will review whether the agency made a decision based on a consideration of the relevant factors. On the other hand, to foster the fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people regardless of race, color, national origin, or income, Executive Order 12898 (Order) directs agencies to identify and address disproportionately high and adverse human health or environmental effects of their actions on marginalized communities.

 

If the agencies are committed to rationality and justice, the use of unweighted CBA should be examined through the lenses of both principles—reasoned decision making and EJ. While agencies are afforded greater deference when employing statistical methods, courts will not “rubber-stamp EPA’s invocation of statistics without some explanation of the underlying principles or reasons why its formulas would produce an accurate result.” Consequently, to avoid arbitrariness, when justifying a regulatory decision based on unweighted CBA, agencies should have to explain why the methodology ignores the principle of diminishing marginal utility. In other words, agencies should explain why their methodology contradicts the consensus among welfare economists that “the income and [utility] relationship is . . . . curvilinear . . . . with a decreasing marginal utility for higher levels of income” and wealth–indicating that an additional dollar to a wealthy person has less welfare-maximizing effects than an extra dollar to someone facing food insecurity. Agencies should explain how ignoring the initial position of the stakeholders experiencing the benefits and losses of a regulatory decision is compatible with the CBA-maxim of welfare maximization. While a departure from this economic principle alone is not likely to render actions arbitrary, CBA insensitivity to distributional concerns has serious implications when it comes to environmental justice—a factor EPA must consider pursuant to the Order.

 

Together, the principles of reasoned decision-making and environmental justice demand agencies to include vulnerable communities in the decision-making process—for them to be worthy of consideration and protection. Making impactful environmental decisions influenced by unweighted CBAs falls short of satisfying these cornerstone principles of administrative and environmental law. By failing to account for equity-based granularities among regulatory stakeholders, policymakers run the risk of ignoring valuable data that would better inform them when making tough decisions involving the sustainable use of natural resources, economic development, and public health.

 

*Authors:

 

Jorge-Roman-Romero – J.D. & LL.M. in Energy and Natural Resources Candidate, The University of Tulsa College of Law, expected May 2021.

 

Mariana Muñoz – J.D Candidate, Vermont Law School, expected May 2021. Received a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science and a Master’s in Social Work and Public Policy, summa cum laude from The University of Vermont. 

 

Additional Sources: 

 

5 U.S.C. § 706(2)(A) (West).

 

Motor Vehicle Mfrs. Ass’n of U.S., Inc. v. State Farm Mut. Auto. Ins. Co ., 463 U.S. 29, 43 (1983) (West). 

 

See Am. Coke & Coal Chems. Inst. v. EPA , 452 F.3d 930, 941 (D.C. Cir. 2006) (West); See also Nat’l Assoc. of Clean Water Agencies v. EPA , 734 F.3d 1115, 1145 (D.C. Cir. 2013)(West). 

 

Ed Diener et. al., The Relationship Between Income and Subjective Well-Being: Relative or Absolute , 28 SOC. INDICATORS RSCH 195, 204 (1993); See also Ruut Veenhoven, Is Happiness Relative? , 24 SOC. INDICATORS RSCH. 1, 7 (1991) (“[W]e not only see a clear positive relationship, but also a curvilinear patterns, which suggests that wealth is subject to a law of diminishing happiness returns.”).

by Jerry Thomas             In a stark contrast to the decision in St. Francis Prayer Ctr. v. Michigan Department of Environmental Quality (hereafter

The Beacon Blog: Consider It Briefed

You Can’t Check This Box: A Win for Environmental Justice

By Jerry Thomas

June 15, 2020

by Jerry Thomas

            In a stark contrast to the decision in St. Francis Prayer Ctr. v. Michigan Department of Environmental Quality (hereafter, Select Steel), the Fourth Circuit in Friends of Buckingham v. State Air Pollution Control Board delivered a major victory for environmental justice (EJ). Select Steel created something called the rebuttable presumption defense; because emissions do not exceed the national ambient air quality standards (NAAQS), the emissions will not have an adverse impact on communities. The rebuttable presumption assumes because emissions don’t violate the Clean Air Act (CAA), they cause no harm.  In Select Steel , the steel mill emitted pollutants like lead, among other hazardous pollutants. It is well known there is no safe level of lead. And just because a plant emits levels of lead below the NAAQS does not mean there is no impact.

Justice Thacker correctly disposed of the rebuttal presumption in his landmark opinion. In Friends of Buckingham , Atlantic Coast Pipeline (ACP) was looking to site a Compressor Station in Union Hill—a historically black community. There was no question on either side whether the Commissioning Board was required to consider EJ; under Virginia law, the development of a new energy resource or facility must not have a disproportionate adverse impact on EJ communities. As to the site suitability, the Department of Environmental Quality (DEQ) noted the modeling results showed compliance with NAAQS so Union Hill was an appropriate place. Justice Thacker responds to this and says “even when NAAQS are not violated as to this particular matter, the record reflects exposure to PM 2.5 will increase the risk of asthma, heart attacks, and death.” Justice Thacker effectively and correctly does away with the rebuttable presumption and goes further to say “blindly relying on ambient air standards is not a sufficiently searching analysis of air quality standards for an EJ community.” Most importantly, Justice Thacker definitively declares “environmental justice is not merely a box to be checked” and vacated the permit. This is one box that cannot be checked off by blindly relying on standards. These vulnerable communities deserve more and Justice Thacker is spearheading the needle in the right direction.

While this case is especially unique because of Virginia’s law requiring an EJ analysis for new energy sources/plants, it is also instructive. Executive Order 12898 instructs all agencies to do an EJ analysis in their National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) reviews. States don’t need explicit statutes addressing EJ concerns if the agencies are faithfully fulling the requirements of the EO. Doing away with the rebuttable presumption will make EJ analyses that much stronger when agencies are considering projects. Regarding air quality, the NAAQS are meant to protect human health including sensitive populations with an ample margin of safety. It is vital to stress just because emissions don’t exceed health standards under the CAA does not mean they don’t cause harm or impact. A harm is a harm. And under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1965, that is all that is required. To say there must be serious health consequences or an exceedance must happen would defeat the purpose of granting protections to communities of color and low-income communities, which are already more susceptible to these impacts.

While environmental justice—or injustice—is not a new concept by any stretch of the imagination, it is becoming more prevalent. Presidential candidates and Senators now see how serious systematic and institutionalized racism and discrimination has contributed to the problem by introducing legislation. The injustice cannot be corrected without legislation, judges, and agencies who are willing to meaningfully engage in the analyses and recognize a problem when it presents itself. The problems are too pervasive for agencies or judges to only take a cursory glance. This is not a box that can just be checked off by relying on standards, these vulnerable communities deserve more than that. Justice Thacker is moving the needle in the right direction toward environmental justice and exemplifies what agency accountability looks like.

Environmental Justice is the latest civil rights movement in the United States. Can someone say

The Beacon Blog: Consider It Briefed

Not Intentional, But Impactful: Will Climate Change Bring Environmental Justice to Black, Poor, or Powerless Communities?

By Jacqueline R. Waller

June 8, 2020

 

Environmental Justice is the latest civil rights movement in the United States. Can someone say, “Finally!” But what is environmental justice? Environmental justice is the fight for equal environmental protection under the law, that includes the right to work and play in safe and healthy communities, and communities free of life-threatening conditions. [1] Or to put it plainly, environmental justice is a collaborative effort to fight environmental “injustices” affecting our black, poor or powerless communities. It stands up to “environmental racism” which is a “conscious design or institutional neglect, actions and decisions that result in disproportionate exposure of people of color to environmental hazards and environmental health burdens.” [2] It is the courage to stand up to big industries for developing environmental “sacrifice zones” in such powerless communities. [3] These zones created by thoughtless and insensitive “big money” executives create permanent land damage and economic disinvestment due to toxic waste facilities, high-risk chemical plants, oil refineries and coal fired power plants operating in these communities. [4]

For instance, in a 1979 case, Bean v. Southwestern Waste Management Corp. , the very first case to challenge environmental racism under Section 1983 civil rights law, the plaintiffs, middle-class residents in a black suburb of Houston, filed a lawsuit in federal district court to stop a waste management facility from opening. [5] The plaintiffs claimed that if the facility opened, it could affect the entire nature of their community, including its land values, tax base, and aesthetics. They further claimed that it could affect the health and safety of its inhabitants and the operation of a local high school that was located only 1700 feet from the site. Thus, the middle-class residents claimed that Southern Waste Management Corporation’s decision to open a facility in their community was racially motivated. Nonetheless, the court would not stop the facility from opening because the residents could not prove racial discrimination in the company’s decision. [6] The court noted that in order to prove a civil rights violation, such as racial discrimination, you must show that there was an “intent” to discriminate based on race, as well as a pattern and practice of discrimination. [7] And you must show that the discrimination created such an “impact” that it caused irreparable harm, or harm to the plaintiff beyond repair. [8] And even though the plaintiffs presented an expert with statistical proof that there was a practice of discrimination, the court noted that the proof was not sufficient because there were only two sites presented in comparison. Imagine that! Shouldn’t one presentation of a sacrificial zone be enough?! How much damage needs to happen before the court recognizes the environmental harm caused to individuals? To human beings! There shouldn’t be any harm to any human being s. One victimized site should be enough! Especially if the decision is racially motivated. Yet, amazingly the court provided in its conclusion that had it been the hearing officer for the Texas Department of Health (TDH) concerning the issuance of the permit to the waste facility, it would have denied the permit based on the evidence presented in this case. [9] The court concluded that the decision of TDH seemed “insensitive and illogical.” [10] Wait! What? Confusion at its best!

You see, environmental justice cases like the Bean case are difficult to prove. You must be able to show “intent” and “impact.” This has always been the challenge when dealing with environmental justice issues in black, poor or powerless communities. [11] Despite the court’s take on what seems immoral, the law is the law. And who creates laws? But of course, it is our elected officials whom we depend on to make the best decisions for us. But that is not always the case because our nation still experiences the social ills deprived from slavery. [12]

Dr. Robert D. Bullard, the expert who provided the statistical report in the Bean case put it this way, “America is segregated, and pollution is too.” [13] Thus, the “father of environmental justice” showed that race and socio-economic class on the map, demonstrating pollution, clearly indicated unequal protection of residents against environmental threats to their health. [14] In conducting the 1979 study, “Solid Waste Sites and the Houston Black Community,” Bullard discovered that people living in a particular zip code are exposed to “greater environmental hazards and suffer higher rates of preventable diseases.” [15] However, clearly what was learned from this case and many other cases Post- Bean is that there is no justice without proof of “intent” and “impact.”

Without a successful remedy under the Constitution’s equal protection clause [16] , what else is there to stop environmental justices? As the movement continues, the sign of times today is showing the environmentally harmed communities that we are not alone in this fight. [17] Now environmental justice is being taken serious due to the effects of ALL human-kind, and not only the black, poor and disadvantaged communities. With the effects of climate change rapidly destroying the earth, the alarm has been sounded and many lawmakers are now trying to find solutions, for instance through the “Green New Deal,” to “avoid planetary destruction” – SAVE THE EARTH. [18] Hah! Now people see that this issue affects everyone on earth. The environmental justice movement may have hope to simply gain the attention of the legislative powers that all communities are affected by toxic facilities operating on earth, including residential communities. Regardless of whether the communities are black or white, rich or poor, at some point, we all are affected by this resulting thing called “climate change.” [19] Julian Brave NoiseCat, director of Green New Deal Strategy put it nicely, “[c]limate change does not answer to racism, politics, or even justice (at least not directly); its only principles are chemistry and physics.” [21] Therefore, environmental justice now has power for the first time to fight against environmental racism – the fight against Climate Change. [22]

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